Antonio Valverde led the 1719 campaign against the Comanche and Ute. The council that authorized the governor’s actions was discussed in the posting for 9 July 2015. In many ways it was a repetition of the one led against the Faraón by Juan Páez Hurtado in 1715. It began too late in the season, never found its quarry, and disappointed potential Apache allies.
They went north along the foothills of the Sangre de Cristo until they reached the Arkansas river near modern day Pueblo. From there they followed the Comanche down river as far as modern day Rocky Ford. The pages of Valverde’s diary describing the return journey were torn away.
Perhaps because he grew grapes near El Paso, Valverde recorded the ways they lived off the land. Armies on the move still scavenged as they went. Their commanders were responsible for maintaining the horse herds and providing materiel, but not with provisioning their men. When he ordered his men to leave unmolested the crops of Apache living near La Flecha, it wasn’t acts of maliciousness by his men that concerned him, but their effects on potential allies.
They left Taos on September 20. Two days later, Carlana arrived while Valverde was eating "boiled meat and vegetables." He gave the leader of the Sierra Blanca a plate, but the Apache would only eat the mutton, not the chicken, "which surprised all."
The next day Carlana returned the hospitality when he "gave them ears of green corn."
A week later, on 27 September, soon after crossing the Purgatorie river, seven soldiers and some settlers encountered the hitherto unknown poison ivy. He gave them "pinole and mutton" and had the barber, Antonio Durán de Armijo, attend them. A few days later, Valverde recorded they tried chocolate for relief. Many followed Francisco de Casados, who discovered rubbing saliva on the welts gave some relief.
The next day they arrived at the Canadian river, where they found "a grove of plum trees, many willows and many wild grapes, from which vinegar was made." There also were deer. The auxiliaries surrounded "them, drove them into camp, at which there was great glee and shouting." He adds, they "caught many deer so that the Indians were sufficiently provisioned with good fat meat."
Carlana told Valverde it was time to send out scouts, implying they had reached Comanche territory. The governor ordered "four squads of settlers formed as a guard, in whose custody the camp would be during the night." Since they would now begin traveling at night, he "ordered the sheep that were being driven killed and dressed, to be carried upon the pack animals."
The next day one of the Santa Cruz settlers, Cristóbal Rodarte, died. When Valverde was told the man was ill, he had him brought to his own tent and given "medicines that appeared proper for his case (these medicines and others he carried as a precaution.)" He then had the priest, Juan del Piño, administer the "sacrament of penitence."
After he died, the governor had the sergeant major, Alejandro Rael de Aguilar, "bring together all the settlers in order to provision them [...] they were already in considerable need, having sustained themselves the day before with nothing but meat from the deer which they had caught, and that no other governor of the past had done as much." That was the day he was having the sheep killed for himself.
The following day they passed a river junction with "many plums, which though wild are of fine flavor and taste. With these and many very delicious wild grapes the people satisfied themselves."
They were now in country teaming with game. On October 3, "they hunted and caught many deer and a lot of good fat prairie hens with which they made very delicious tamales." The next day they saw more "deer and prairie chickens which moved about in flocks." Valverde ordered a settler who "was very sick with a pain in his stomach" be given a "cup of tea."
They reached the Huerfano, a tributary of the Arkansas, on October 5. Soldiers gathered from the "large groves of plum trees and cherries" before crossing the next day onto grassy plains. They saw their first buffalo on the seventh. They killed more than twelve head, "so the whole camp was provided with meat."
They continued to find evidence of Comanche encampments. On October 10, they again saw many herds of buffalo, of which "the Christian Indians and the heathen Apaches killed about fifteen head." Valverde sent out two groups of soldiers to herd them toward the camp. "In this way they succeeded in provisioning the camp with meat."
They were now marching downstream. On October 13, "here were also many buffalo herds, walking about feeding and wandering in all directions on those plains." However, Carlana told him, the Comanche had altered their route to enter land with "few springs and those too scanty to support the horse herd."
They were around Rocky Ford on the fourteenth when Valverde realized they no longer had provisions to continue. He sent "the settlers, two squads of soldiers" along with "the Indian people, to kill some buffalo for meat."
Valverde began with 105 soldiers and settlers, then added 30 auxiliaries from the pueblos and 69 Sierra Blanca. More than 200 men, for there must have been uncounted servants. They had to be fed everyday. It hardly mattered if they shared food, or each group foraged for itself, they were an aggregated demand of calories to be extracted from the wilds.
While Valverde and his men debated the wisdom of returning to Sante Fé, the first representatives from El Cuartelejo arrived to say more were coming to meet them. They continued to live on buffalo while waiting for them.
Five days later, on 20 October, they had used up the meat they had prepared. Valverde sent the alcalde mayor of Taos, Miguel Tenorio y Alba, with a plea for the pueblo priest to send aid. He wrote Juan de la Cruz "of his great want, which made it necessary for them to eat buffalo meat and gruel made from corn meal, and for some this was scarce."
When the chief arrived the next day, Valverde listened when told the Paloma were now refugees evicted from their lands by "French united with Pawnee and Jumano." The camp expanded to include another thousand hungry people, and more were expected.
Two days later Valverde inspected the gun shot wound suffered by one. However, he said, they could no longer wait for the rest, but must return because their "supply of provisions had failed."
He promised they would return to "expel the French from it as the lands belong only to the majesty of our king." With this the homeless were "were consoled and pleased."
Notes: Current place names have been used. The Purgatorie was then called Río de las Animas. The Pawnee were probably the Skidi band of southern Pawnee.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche, 1719, reproduced in Thomas; not sure if tamale was in the original, or if this is a translator’s modernization.
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 6-10. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 6-10. Show all posts
Wednesday, August 19, 2015
Sunday, August 16, 2015
Frontier Expeditions: Juan Páez Hurtado
Faraón Apache were raiding areas east of the Sangre de Cristo in the summer of 1715. They came to fairs at Pecos, and preyed on the Jicarilla Apache to their north.
The governor, Juan Flores Mogollón, and his advisors debated much of the summer. Gerónimo Ye, lieutenant governor of Taos, recommended they attack in mid-August while the Apache bands were harvesting their crops. Once they buried their shelled corn, they would leave for the buffalo plains, not to return to their rancherías until planting time in May.
The Spaniards did not listen. According to Elizabeth John, they harvested their own corn in September, and couldn’t believe a crop planted in May would be ripe by August.
Juan Páez Hurtado led the expedition that left in September. They traveled for two weeks, but never saw a Faraón. Páez concluded someone from Pecos must have warned them. Gerónimo had cautioned Flores against including that group in his plans, since the two groups had intermarried.
John noted it still was an important expedition because it was the first time a governor had included non-Christianized Indians among the auxiliaries. Unfortunately, she noted, "failing contact with the enemy, the Jicarilla and Cuartelejos had no chance to show their mettle and ample reason to grow disgusted with Spanish management of the effort."
Páez reviewed the troops in Picurís on August 30. The roster indicated he took 239 horses and 34 mules for 36 soldiers and 21 settlers. The soldiers averaged 4.6 horses, militia from Albuquerque and Santa Fé 5.8, and men from La Cañada 2.3. Men from the last were the ones who were more likely to bring mules as well as horses, although two capitánes from Santa Fé brought 11 animals. Mounts for the 149 auxiliaries weren’t recorded.
Below is the list of men associated with Santa Cruz, along with some from Santa Fé and Albuquerque for comparison. Note especially the differences in numbers of horses each commanded.
Presidio Officers (9 in complete list, named by rank)
Madrid, Roque. Maestro de Campo, left behind with flux.
Domínguez, Jose. Adjutant-general, fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Santisteban, Salvador de. Sublieutenant, detached, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Luján, Pedro. Capitán de Campaña, fully armed with 4 horses.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Capitán de Campaña, fully armed and provisioned, with 5 horses.
Rael de Aguilar, Eusebio. Royal ensign, fully armed and munitioned with 3 horses and 1 mule.
Presidio Soldiers (28 in complete list, named in alphabetical order)
Baca, Bernabe. In place of Juan José de Archuleta, who was unprepared; fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Córdoba, Simón de. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Durán, Miguel, Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses; warned for abusing members of Galisteo pueblo in 1708.
García de Noriega, Alonso. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 7 horses; named in complaint of abuse in 1708, not punished.
Griego, José. Fully armed and provisioned, with 5 horses.
Jirón, Dimas.
Lobato, Blas. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
López, Antonio. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
Luján, Juan. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 5 horses.
Martínez, Juan de Dios Sandoval. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Ribera, Juan Felipe de.
Rodríguez, Lorenzo. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses; named in complaint of 1708 for obeying abusive orders from Miguel Durán.
Romero de Pedraza, Domingo. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Sánchez, Juan. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
Silva, Manuel de. Fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Tafoya, Antonio. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Trujillo, Domingo. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Settlers from La Canada (complete list, alphabetized)
Apodaca, Juan Antonio. Fully armed with 1 horse and 1 mule.
Archuleta, Diego. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 4 horses.
Baca, Simón. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 1 horse and 2 mules.
Candelaría, Juan de. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 4 horses.
Griego, Lorenzo. Fully armed, lacked jacket with 2 horses. Rejected because he was not ready. Son-in-law of Cristóbal de la Serna.
López, Juan. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned, with 2 horses and 2 mules.
López, Luis. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 2 mares, 1 horse, and 1 mule.
Luján, José. Fully armed and lacking provisions, with 2 horses and 3 mules.
Márquez, Diego. Fully armed, with 1 mare and 2 mules.
Martín, Antonio. For his father, Diego Martín; full armed and provisioned, lacking leather jacket with 3 horses.
Martín, Francisco. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket and sword, with 2 horses.
Rodarte, Cristóbal. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 2 horses and 2 mules.
Settlers from Santa Fe (7 in complete list, alphabetized)
Armijo, Bisente de. Fully Armed and provisioned with 11 horses.
Griego, Nicolás. Who volunteers, fully armed and provisioned with 2 horses and 1 mule.
L’Archevêque, Jean de. Capitán, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses and 5 mules; he takes an armed personal servant.
Settlers from Albuquerque (3 in complete list, alphabetized)
García, Luis. Capitán, fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 10 horses and 1 mule.
Ulibarrí, Antonio de. Capitán, fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned, with 6 horses.
Auxiliaries (Complete list has 8 pueblos; 3 had guns)
Santa Clara, 12.
San Juan, 17, for three having hidden, remained behind. The alcalde mayor will have to give account of them.
Notes: The Faraón also were called Chipaynes, Lemitas, and Sejines.
Presidio soldiers from Santa Cruz were those whose surnames appear at some time in a Santa Cruz land or marriage record. Valverde also took roll on August 28 in Santa Fé. Among those who were on that list but not on the one for August 30 were: Alejo Gutíerrez, Antonio de Herrera, Joachim Sánchez, Ensign Cristóbal de Torres, and Francisco Trujillo from the presidio.
The August 30 roster does not include Ambrosio Fresqui or Bartolomé Sánchez, although their names appeared in the journal of the expedition. José López Naranjo was listed with the pueblo contingent as capitán.
Names have been standardized. Details on disciplinary incident appeared in the post for 26 May 2015.
John, Elizabeth A. H. Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 1996 edition.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; contains rosters for August 28 and August 30.
The governor, Juan Flores Mogollón, and his advisors debated much of the summer. Gerónimo Ye, lieutenant governor of Taos, recommended they attack in mid-August while the Apache bands were harvesting their crops. Once they buried their shelled corn, they would leave for the buffalo plains, not to return to their rancherías until planting time in May.
The Spaniards did not listen. According to Elizabeth John, they harvested their own corn in September, and couldn’t believe a crop planted in May would be ripe by August.
Juan Páez Hurtado led the expedition that left in September. They traveled for two weeks, but never saw a Faraón. Páez concluded someone from Pecos must have warned them. Gerónimo had cautioned Flores against including that group in his plans, since the two groups had intermarried.
John noted it still was an important expedition because it was the first time a governor had included non-Christianized Indians among the auxiliaries. Unfortunately, she noted, "failing contact with the enemy, the Jicarilla and Cuartelejos had no chance to show their mettle and ample reason to grow disgusted with Spanish management of the effort."
Páez reviewed the troops in Picurís on August 30. The roster indicated he took 239 horses and 34 mules for 36 soldiers and 21 settlers. The soldiers averaged 4.6 horses, militia from Albuquerque and Santa Fé 5.8, and men from La Cañada 2.3. Men from the last were the ones who were more likely to bring mules as well as horses, although two capitánes from Santa Fé brought 11 animals. Mounts for the 149 auxiliaries weren’t recorded.
Below is the list of men associated with Santa Cruz, along with some from Santa Fé and Albuquerque for comparison. Note especially the differences in numbers of horses each commanded.
Presidio Officers (9 in complete list, named by rank)
Madrid, Roque. Maestro de Campo, left behind with flux.
Domínguez, Jose. Adjutant-general, fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Santisteban, Salvador de. Sublieutenant, detached, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Luján, Pedro. Capitán de Campaña, fully armed with 4 horses.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Capitán de Campaña, fully armed and provisioned, with 5 horses.
Rael de Aguilar, Eusebio. Royal ensign, fully armed and munitioned with 3 horses and 1 mule.
Presidio Soldiers (28 in complete list, named in alphabetical order)
Baca, Bernabe. In place of Juan José de Archuleta, who was unprepared; fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Córdoba, Simón de. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Durán, Miguel, Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses; warned for abusing members of Galisteo pueblo in 1708.
García de Noriega, Alonso. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 7 horses; named in complaint of abuse in 1708, not punished.
Griego, José. Fully armed and provisioned, with 5 horses.
Jirón, Dimas.
Lobato, Blas. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
López, Antonio. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
Luján, Juan. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 5 horses.
Martínez, Juan de Dios Sandoval. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Ribera, Juan Felipe de.
Rodríguez, Lorenzo. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses; named in complaint of 1708 for obeying abusive orders from Miguel Durán.
Romero de Pedraza, Domingo. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Sánchez, Juan. Fully armed and provisioned with 4 horses.
Silva, Manuel de. Fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Tafoya, Antonio. Corporal, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses.
Trujillo, Domingo. Fully armed and provisioned with 5 horses.
Settlers from La Canada (complete list, alphabetized)
Apodaca, Juan Antonio. Fully armed with 1 horse and 1 mule.
Archuleta, Diego. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 4 horses.
Baca, Simón. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 1 horse and 2 mules.
Candelaría, Juan de. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 4 horses.
Griego, Lorenzo. Fully armed, lacked jacket with 2 horses. Rejected because he was not ready. Son-in-law of Cristóbal de la Serna.
López, Juan. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned, with 2 horses and 2 mules.
López, Luis. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 2 mares, 1 horse, and 1 mule.
Luján, José. Fully armed and lacking provisions, with 2 horses and 3 mules.
Márquez, Diego. Fully armed, with 1 mare and 2 mules.
Martín, Antonio. For his father, Diego Martín; full armed and provisioned, lacking leather jacket with 3 horses.
Martín, Francisco. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket and sword, with 2 horses.
Rodarte, Cristóbal. Fully armed, lacking leather jacket, with 2 horses and 2 mules.
Settlers from Santa Fe (7 in complete list, alphabetized)
Armijo, Bisente de. Fully Armed and provisioned with 11 horses.
Griego, Nicolás. Who volunteers, fully armed and provisioned with 2 horses and 1 mule.
L’Archevêque, Jean de. Capitán, fully armed and provisioned with 6 horses and 5 mules; he takes an armed personal servant.
Settlers from Albuquerque (3 in complete list, alphabetized)
García, Luis. Capitán, fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned with 10 horses and 1 mule.
Ulibarrí, Antonio de. Capitán, fully armed, lacking leather jacket, provisioned, with 6 horses.
Auxiliaries (Complete list has 8 pueblos; 3 had guns)
Santa Clara, 12.
San Juan, 17, for three having hidden, remained behind. The alcalde mayor will have to give account of them.
Notes: The Faraón also were called Chipaynes, Lemitas, and Sejines.
Presidio soldiers from Santa Cruz were those whose surnames appear at some time in a Santa Cruz land or marriage record. Valverde also took roll on August 28 in Santa Fé. Among those who were on that list but not on the one for August 30 were: Alejo Gutíerrez, Antonio de Herrera, Joachim Sánchez, Ensign Cristóbal de Torres, and Francisco Trujillo from the presidio.
The August 30 roster does not include Ambrosio Fresqui or Bartolomé Sánchez, although their names appeared in the journal of the expedition. José López Naranjo was listed with the pueblo contingent as capitán.
Names have been standardized. Details on disciplinary incident appeared in the post for 26 May 2015.
John, Elizabeth A. H. Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 1996 edition.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; contains rosters for August 28 and August 30.
Wednesday, August 12, 2015
Militia Duty
Nuevo México was less reliant on its civilian militia between 1714 and 1733 than it had been in years immediately after the Reconquest. Military requirements changed from assaults on established settlements that defied colonial authority to defenses against raids by highly mobile native bands.
The one had required massive forces for short periods in discrete locations. Expeditions to the frontiers took men away for weeks in summer and fall. People dependent on their crops to eat could not afford that time.
When Juan Páez Hurtado led an expedition against the Faraón Apache in 1715, he took 21 settlers with 36 soldiers and 149 auxiliaries. Everyone, military and civilian, reported fully armed with horses or mules. It took more than two weeks during harvest season, August 30 to September 14, to reach their destination, and probably less time to return.
The following year, Félix Martínez prepared a campaign against the Moqui. He apparently had trouble raising troops to go so far west. He offered pardons to any Español or Pueblo man under sentence if he enlisted. Only three took his offer: Antonio López, Marcos Montoya, and Felix Martines. In addition, he took ten men from San Juan and four from Santa Clara.
Three years later, in 1719, Antonio Valverde led an expedition against the Utes and Comanches that included 60 men from the presidio with "45 settlers and volunteers." In addition there were "30 natives of [torn out] prepared for war with their arms."
They left Taos on September 20, at the end of harvest season, and agreed to return a month later, on October 22. Again, they probably didn’t take as long getting home, though they took a different route.
The changed attitude towards service was reflected in the lack of supplies the volunteers brought. Valverde had to provide them with ammunition and leather jackets. He also contributed 75 horses and mules. They must have come from a poorer segment of society that did those who rode with Páez.
Pedro Villasur led troops on a search for the French in 1720. He took 42 men from the presidio with 60 auxiliaries from the pueblos. Except for the priest, the others were all retired military men or civilian capitánes: José López Naranjo of Santa Cruz, Cristóbal de la Serna of Embudo, and Jean l’Archevêque of Santa Fé.
They left Santa Fé on June 16, and were ambushed two months later, on August 13th or 14th. The dead included 31 from the presidio, at least 11 from the pueblos, and all the non-presidio men.
Each expedition took twice as long as the previous one, growing from a one way trip of two weeks to one for a month to one for two months. Apart from the increasing time commitments, established men may have felt different loyalties to a leader of the Reconquest like Diego de Vargas, who was tasked with protecting them, and to one of the later political appointees who obeyed orders governed by Spain’s fractious relations with France. Participation in the one was ennobling. Involvement with the other was not.
The rank of capitán was still prestigious, but bivouacs were not. Santa Cruz diligencias matrimoniales in these years indicated the capitánes were all fathers of participants or witnesses, not grooms. All but one were alive before the Reconquest when military valor was expected. The post-Reconquest generation hadn’t assumed that role.
At the same time settlers were less inclined to join military campaigns, men in the presidios were withdrawing into their private world. They began to see civilians as little more than elevated servants to be given the most distasteful tasks like sentry duty.
There was probably no great turnover in forces, and in the years after the Reconquest, many have been local recruits. Veterans had found ways to supplement their income. They could afford to marry and dabble in real estate. Their sons enlisted. They and their daughters married others whose fathers were soldiers.
Before 1720, most of the soldiers who married women in Santa Cruz were widowers and their second wives were related to local capitánes or other military men. Felipe Pacheco married the daughter of Capitán Sebastían Martín, Bernardo Fernández married Sebastían niece, and Melchor de Herrera married the widow of Matías Martín. He was the son of Sebastían’s cousin Domingo Martín Serrano and Josefa de Herrera.
The other widowers who married in Santa Cruz were Roque de Madrid and Juan Trujillo, who married Roque’s granddaughter. María Madrid’s mother was Antonia de la Serna, Cristobal’s niece.
Joaquin de Anaya was a widower who married Domingo Martín Serrano’s daughter. There’s no indication he was in the presidio. The two soldiers who witnessed his marriage probably knew his deceased father, Sargento Mayor Francisco de Anaya.
Antonio García de Perea was a soldier, but not a widower when he married the daughter of the one-time alférez of Chama. Diego Gonzales was dead when two soldiers confirmed their right to marry.
After the Villasur disaster, few presidio men married women in Santa Cruz. Julian Madrid, the son of Roque, married the daughter of one of Sebastían Martín’s nephews. Antonio de Armenta married a soldier’s widow.
Two men who married local women were sons of soldiers who had acquired land in Santa Cruz. Pablo Manuel Trujillo, the son of Capitán Baltasar Trujillo, married the daughter of Capitán Diego Márquez. Antonio de Santisteban, the son of Ayudante Salvador de Santisteban, married Francisca Fernández Valerio, whose father was probably somehow related through Bernardo Fernández’s first wife, an unknown Valerio.
In ten years, from 1720 to 1730, there were only four alliances between Santa Cruz and the presidio. It was clear that settlers in the north were beginning to want a professional soldiery, and the men in the presidio were becoming a self-sufficient community thirty miles away.
Notes:
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978; has details on Martínez campaign against the Moqui.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982, contains the diligencias matrimoniales.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Páez Hurtado, Juan. Lists of soldiers, settlers, and Pueblo auxiliaries, in Thomas.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; also contains details on Villasur expedition.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche, 1719, reprinted by Thomas.
Capitánes named in diligencias matrimoniales between 1714 and 1730
Alive at time of 1680 revolt. Dates of birth at left were calculated from ages and may be inaccurate: the ages may be guesses, and the calculations may be off a year since no months are given.
Juan de Archuleta, deceased in 1714, father of groom
José López Naranjo, father of groom
Cristóbal de la Serna, father of bride
1631 Luís Martín, deceased in 1716, father of groom, bride
1668 Cristóbal de Torres, father of bride
1668 José Trujillo, father of bride, groom
1670 Baltasar Trujillo, father of groom
1671 Sebastían Martín, father of bride
1671 Miguel Tenorio de Alba, witness, married
1672 Ignacio de Roybal, notary
1674 Diego de Medina, deceased in 1717, father of bride, groom
Alive at time of Reconquest
1681 Diego Márquez, father of bride
The one had required massive forces for short periods in discrete locations. Expeditions to the frontiers took men away for weeks in summer and fall. People dependent on their crops to eat could not afford that time.
When Juan Páez Hurtado led an expedition against the Faraón Apache in 1715, he took 21 settlers with 36 soldiers and 149 auxiliaries. Everyone, military and civilian, reported fully armed with horses or mules. It took more than two weeks during harvest season, August 30 to September 14, to reach their destination, and probably less time to return.
The following year, Félix Martínez prepared a campaign against the Moqui. He apparently had trouble raising troops to go so far west. He offered pardons to any Español or Pueblo man under sentence if he enlisted. Only three took his offer: Antonio López, Marcos Montoya, and Felix Martines. In addition, he took ten men from San Juan and four from Santa Clara.
Three years later, in 1719, Antonio Valverde led an expedition against the Utes and Comanches that included 60 men from the presidio with "45 settlers and volunteers." In addition there were "30 natives of [torn out] prepared for war with their arms."
They left Taos on September 20, at the end of harvest season, and agreed to return a month later, on October 22. Again, they probably didn’t take as long getting home, though they took a different route.
The changed attitude towards service was reflected in the lack of supplies the volunteers brought. Valverde had to provide them with ammunition and leather jackets. He also contributed 75 horses and mules. They must have come from a poorer segment of society that did those who rode with Páez.
Pedro Villasur led troops on a search for the French in 1720. He took 42 men from the presidio with 60 auxiliaries from the pueblos. Except for the priest, the others were all retired military men or civilian capitánes: José López Naranjo of Santa Cruz, Cristóbal de la Serna of Embudo, and Jean l’Archevêque of Santa Fé.
They left Santa Fé on June 16, and were ambushed two months later, on August 13th or 14th. The dead included 31 from the presidio, at least 11 from the pueblos, and all the non-presidio men.
Each expedition took twice as long as the previous one, growing from a one way trip of two weeks to one for a month to one for two months. Apart from the increasing time commitments, established men may have felt different loyalties to a leader of the Reconquest like Diego de Vargas, who was tasked with protecting them, and to one of the later political appointees who obeyed orders governed by Spain’s fractious relations with France. Participation in the one was ennobling. Involvement with the other was not.
The rank of capitán was still prestigious, but bivouacs were not. Santa Cruz diligencias matrimoniales in these years indicated the capitánes were all fathers of participants or witnesses, not grooms. All but one were alive before the Reconquest when military valor was expected. The post-Reconquest generation hadn’t assumed that role.
At the same time settlers were less inclined to join military campaigns, men in the presidios were withdrawing into their private world. They began to see civilians as little more than elevated servants to be given the most distasteful tasks like sentry duty.
There was probably no great turnover in forces, and in the years after the Reconquest, many have been local recruits. Veterans had found ways to supplement their income. They could afford to marry and dabble in real estate. Their sons enlisted. They and their daughters married others whose fathers were soldiers.
Before 1720, most of the soldiers who married women in Santa Cruz were widowers and their second wives were related to local capitánes or other military men. Felipe Pacheco married the daughter of Capitán Sebastían Martín, Bernardo Fernández married Sebastían niece, and Melchor de Herrera married the widow of Matías Martín. He was the son of Sebastían’s cousin Domingo Martín Serrano and Josefa de Herrera.
The other widowers who married in Santa Cruz were Roque de Madrid and Juan Trujillo, who married Roque’s granddaughter. María Madrid’s mother was Antonia de la Serna, Cristobal’s niece.
Joaquin de Anaya was a widower who married Domingo Martín Serrano’s daughter. There’s no indication he was in the presidio. The two soldiers who witnessed his marriage probably knew his deceased father, Sargento Mayor Francisco de Anaya.
Antonio García de Perea was a soldier, but not a widower when he married the daughter of the one-time alférez of Chama. Diego Gonzales was dead when two soldiers confirmed their right to marry.
After the Villasur disaster, few presidio men married women in Santa Cruz. Julian Madrid, the son of Roque, married the daughter of one of Sebastían Martín’s nephews. Antonio de Armenta married a soldier’s widow.
Two men who married local women were sons of soldiers who had acquired land in Santa Cruz. Pablo Manuel Trujillo, the son of Capitán Baltasar Trujillo, married the daughter of Capitán Diego Márquez. Antonio de Santisteban, the son of Ayudante Salvador de Santisteban, married Francisca Fernández Valerio, whose father was probably somehow related through Bernardo Fernández’s first wife, an unknown Valerio.
In ten years, from 1720 to 1730, there were only four alliances between Santa Cruz and the presidio. It was clear that settlers in the north were beginning to want a professional soldiery, and the men in the presidio were becoming a self-sufficient community thirty miles away.
Notes:
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978; has details on Martínez campaign against the Moqui.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982, contains the diligencias matrimoniales.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Páez Hurtado, Juan. Lists of soldiers, settlers, and Pueblo auxiliaries, in Thomas.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; also contains details on Villasur expedition.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche, 1719, reprinted by Thomas.
Capitánes named in diligencias matrimoniales between 1714 and 1730
Alive at time of 1680 revolt. Dates of birth at left were calculated from ages and may be inaccurate: the ages may be guesses, and the calculations may be off a year since no months are given.
Juan de Archuleta, deceased in 1714, father of groom
José López Naranjo, father of groom
Cristóbal de la Serna, father of bride
1631 Luís Martín, deceased in 1716, father of groom, bride
1668 Cristóbal de Torres, father of bride
1668 José Trujillo, father of bride, groom
1670 Baltasar Trujillo, father of groom
1671 Sebastían Martín, father of bride
1671 Miguel Tenorio de Alba, witness, married
1672 Ignacio de Roybal, notary
1674 Diego de Medina, deceased in 1717, father of bride, groom
Alive at time of Reconquest
1681 Diego Márquez, father of bride
Sunday, July 12, 2015
Grist Mills and Captives
Captive labor is expensive. One wonders why settlers in Nuevo México were willing to risk their very survival by trading ammunition in the 1690s, then later their transportation and work animals, to obtain it. In 1720, the use of slaves, rather than servants, as a marker of wealth hadn’t yet percolated north from the sugar colonies.
My guess is Nuevo México used captives to tend livestock and prepare food. The first could be done by children, the second by women. Only large landowners like Sebastían Martín and others in Taos had so many head of cattle they needed outside help. Everyone ate.
Wheat may have been the preferred food, but corn was the reality. In New Spain, commercial wheat growing was capital intensive. Zacatecas was a mining town dependant on the Bajío between the Ríos Lerma and Grande de Santiago south of Mexico City where 28 inches of rain fell most years. By 1600, the newer mining areas of New Galicia obtained most of their wheat from irrigated labores in the Zapotepec valley.
In both regions, religious orders and wealthy men amassed large tracts of land. Grain was sold to urban cabildos on contracts that financed irrigation and storage facilities. Wheat became capital intensive, while maize did not. Corn was grown on small plots by natives, and came to market through small trades.
The northern part of Nuevo México was too dry to support wheat without large irrigation projects, that could only have been undertaken and maintained by captive labor. Even in South Carolina, as mentioned in the post for 2 January 2011, slaves resented time spent on ditches, and refused to do it when they were free.
Every family could grow corn if it had a small ditch. Maize was also cheaper to store. People only had to remove the husks. Cobs could be stacked on roofs or above ceilings where they were relatively safe from vermin.
The ways to prepare it were learned from natives in México. After kernels were removed from ears, they either were ground, two or three times, or boiled. Native American women used stone manos and metates, and so did the Españoles.
In New England, men transferred the technology of grinding wheat to corn very early. Plymouth was founded in 1620. Women used wooden mortars until a beating mill was built in 1633. Massachusetts Bay Colony was formed in 1628. It had a wind-driven grinding mill in 1632, and a water-driven one in 1634.
The erection of mills wasn’t left to chance. "Buhrs to make mill-stones" were purchased from Edward Casson, a London merchant tailor, in 1628. The colony’s organizer, John Winthrop, asked his son to bring millstones "with bracings ready cast, and rings, and mill-bills" from England in 1631.
The availability of water to drive a mill was a prerequisite for establishing a town. Colonists looked for places where they could quarry millable stones. John Winthrop, Jr, established the iron works at Saugus in 1645 to produce parts for Massachusetts and Virginia.
Mills weren’t just a Yankee introduction. Antonio de Arriaga, who came from Badajoz in the Estremadura, established a grist mill on the Río Tacubaya for Mexico City in 1526. Cristóbal García de Zúñiga established a mill on the Río Atoyac in Vera Cruz in the late 1500s.
At Cahokia, in Illinois country, French settlers had two windmills by the 1720s, and the Jesuits another. They probably hadn’t dragged millstones down river from Canada, but found useful rock in the area. Even though most who entered the area were coureurs, they included men who could prepare stones and build mills. They were growing wheat, and not depending on their native wives or other women to grind it by hand.
Mills don’t have to have to be water powered. They can be run by wind or animals. They do need capital to purchase parts. It was easier to ship millstones and iron fittings from London to Boston that it was to haul them from New Spain. Much of the mountainous territory where stones might have been found in Nuevo México was still controlled by hostile bárbaros.
Cristóbal de Velasco did recruit some millers from Mexico City in 1693, but they didn’t work follow that trade in the north. Juan Romero joined the group in Zacatecas, but fled before it reached Santa Fé. Francisco Xavier Romero became a shoemaker in Santa Cruz. Gabriel Anzures moved to Santa Cruz, where his daughter Juana married Diego Martín Serrano, son of Hernán Martín Serrano. There’s no notice of his son, and nothing on his work. He also had been a cart maker.
More than operators and stones were needed to support milling. Decent roads were needed if ox-pulled carts were to bring corn, containers to hold it on the return trip, and ways to store it at home. Millwrights and cartwrights were required to build and repair equipment.
In the absence of automation, servants were the first people called upon to do the more monotonous and physically strenuous household tasks. In 1708, Leonor Domínguez said "the wife of Peter de Avila, alias ‘the louse,’ told her while this declarant was grinding corn kernels." María Domínguez said she "had met the said Leonor Domínguez when she was grinding corn kernels [...] this declarant said that as to have been together grinding corn kernels [...] it is true."
The pronouns are confusing, but they would not have been together if they weren’t in the same household, or if the one wasn’t helping or working for the other.
With the elimination of encomenderos and the limits on repartimiento, women from the pueblos could not be requisitioned to grind corn without being paid. That led to a greater demand for female servants than had existed before the Revolt.
Notes: I haven’t found anyone who discusses why slaves were purchased. This posting is an informed guess.
Bakewell, P. J. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas 1546-1700, 1971.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Cushman, James M. Cohannet Alewives and the Ancient Grist Mill at the Falls on Mill River, 1895.
Daniels, Christine and Michael V. Kennedy. Negotiated Empires, 2013; on García.
Domínguez, Leonor. "New Affidavit and Declaration," 22 May 1708, in Twitchell.
Domínguez, María. "Declaration," 22 May 1708, in Twitchell.
Farfán, Francisco. "List of New Mexico Colonists, Mexico City," on or before July 1693, in Kessell.
Himmerich y Valencia, Robert. The Encomenderos of New Spain, 1521-1555, 1991; on Arriaga.
Hockensmith, Charles D. The Millstone Industry, 2009; quotations from Winthrop and Casson invoice.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
Miller, LaDeane. "Descendants of Gabriel Anzures and Maria Francisca," 2002, Denver Public Library Digital Collection.
Morrissey, Robert Michael. Empire by Collaboration, 2015; on Cahokia.
Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Gaspar de. Directive, Mexico City, 4 September 1693, in Kessell.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
Van Young, Eric. Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-Century Mexico, 1981.
My guess is Nuevo México used captives to tend livestock and prepare food. The first could be done by children, the second by women. Only large landowners like Sebastían Martín and others in Taos had so many head of cattle they needed outside help. Everyone ate.
Wheat may have been the preferred food, but corn was the reality. In New Spain, commercial wheat growing was capital intensive. Zacatecas was a mining town dependant on the Bajío between the Ríos Lerma and Grande de Santiago south of Mexico City where 28 inches of rain fell most years. By 1600, the newer mining areas of New Galicia obtained most of their wheat from irrigated labores in the Zapotepec valley.
In both regions, religious orders and wealthy men amassed large tracts of land. Grain was sold to urban cabildos on contracts that financed irrigation and storage facilities. Wheat became capital intensive, while maize did not. Corn was grown on small plots by natives, and came to market through small trades.
The northern part of Nuevo México was too dry to support wheat without large irrigation projects, that could only have been undertaken and maintained by captive labor. Even in South Carolina, as mentioned in the post for 2 January 2011, slaves resented time spent on ditches, and refused to do it when they were free.
Every family could grow corn if it had a small ditch. Maize was also cheaper to store. People only had to remove the husks. Cobs could be stacked on roofs or above ceilings where they were relatively safe from vermin.
The ways to prepare it were learned from natives in México. After kernels were removed from ears, they either were ground, two or three times, or boiled. Native American women used stone manos and metates, and so did the Españoles.
In New England, men transferred the technology of grinding wheat to corn very early. Plymouth was founded in 1620. Women used wooden mortars until a beating mill was built in 1633. Massachusetts Bay Colony was formed in 1628. It had a wind-driven grinding mill in 1632, and a water-driven one in 1634.
The erection of mills wasn’t left to chance. "Buhrs to make mill-stones" were purchased from Edward Casson, a London merchant tailor, in 1628. The colony’s organizer, John Winthrop, asked his son to bring millstones "with bracings ready cast, and rings, and mill-bills" from England in 1631.
The availability of water to drive a mill was a prerequisite for establishing a town. Colonists looked for places where they could quarry millable stones. John Winthrop, Jr, established the iron works at Saugus in 1645 to produce parts for Massachusetts and Virginia.
Mills weren’t just a Yankee introduction. Antonio de Arriaga, who came from Badajoz in the Estremadura, established a grist mill on the Río Tacubaya for Mexico City in 1526. Cristóbal García de Zúñiga established a mill on the Río Atoyac in Vera Cruz in the late 1500s.
At Cahokia, in Illinois country, French settlers had two windmills by the 1720s, and the Jesuits another. They probably hadn’t dragged millstones down river from Canada, but found useful rock in the area. Even though most who entered the area were coureurs, they included men who could prepare stones and build mills. They were growing wheat, and not depending on their native wives or other women to grind it by hand.
Mills don’t have to have to be water powered. They can be run by wind or animals. They do need capital to purchase parts. It was easier to ship millstones and iron fittings from London to Boston that it was to haul them from New Spain. Much of the mountainous territory where stones might have been found in Nuevo México was still controlled by hostile bárbaros.
Cristóbal de Velasco did recruit some millers from Mexico City in 1693, but they didn’t work follow that trade in the north. Juan Romero joined the group in Zacatecas, but fled before it reached Santa Fé. Francisco Xavier Romero became a shoemaker in Santa Cruz. Gabriel Anzures moved to Santa Cruz, where his daughter Juana married Diego Martín Serrano, son of Hernán Martín Serrano. There’s no notice of his son, and nothing on his work. He also had been a cart maker.
More than operators and stones were needed to support milling. Decent roads were needed if ox-pulled carts were to bring corn, containers to hold it on the return trip, and ways to store it at home. Millwrights and cartwrights were required to build and repair equipment.
In the absence of automation, servants were the first people called upon to do the more monotonous and physically strenuous household tasks. In 1708, Leonor Domínguez said "the wife of Peter de Avila, alias ‘the louse,’ told her while this declarant was grinding corn kernels." María Domínguez said she "had met the said Leonor Domínguez when she was grinding corn kernels [...] this declarant said that as to have been together grinding corn kernels [...] it is true."
The pronouns are confusing, but they would not have been together if they weren’t in the same household, or if the one wasn’t helping or working for the other.
With the elimination of encomenderos and the limits on repartimiento, women from the pueblos could not be requisitioned to grind corn without being paid. That led to a greater demand for female servants than had existed before the Revolt.
Notes: I haven’t found anyone who discusses why slaves were purchased. This posting is an informed guess.
Bakewell, P. J. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas 1546-1700, 1971.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Cushman, James M. Cohannet Alewives and the Ancient Grist Mill at the Falls on Mill River, 1895.
Daniels, Christine and Michael V. Kennedy. Negotiated Empires, 2013; on García.
Domínguez, Leonor. "New Affidavit and Declaration," 22 May 1708, in Twitchell.
Domínguez, María. "Declaration," 22 May 1708, in Twitchell.
Farfán, Francisco. "List of New Mexico Colonists, Mexico City," on or before July 1693, in Kessell.
Himmerich y Valencia, Robert. The Encomenderos of New Spain, 1521-1555, 1991; on Arriaga.
Hockensmith, Charles D. The Millstone Industry, 2009; quotations from Winthrop and Casson invoice.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
Miller, LaDeane. "Descendants of Gabriel Anzures and Maria Francisca," 2002, Denver Public Library Digital Collection.
Morrissey, Robert Michael. Empire by Collaboration, 2015; on Cahokia.
Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Gaspar de. Directive, Mexico City, 4 September 1693, in Kessell.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
Van Young, Eric. Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-Century Mexico, 1981.
Thursday, July 09, 2015
Regulating the Captive Trade
The entrepreneurial role in the captive trade was assumed by Apache bands who desired horses. They set the terms of trade, but families of captives enforced the norms that regulated it. Utes and Shoshone disciplined the Penxaye Apache in July of 1706.
The markets for horses and captives weren’t saturated. According to Hubert Bancroft, Francisco Cuervo was forced to abandon attempts to subdue the Moqui in April of 1707, because troops were needed in Santa Fé to recover horses stolen while he was in the west. No sooner were they recovered, than they disappeared again. In August, José Chacón issued orders prohibiting the sale of presidio horses, and repeated them in 1708.
The trade in captives continued. In 1712, Juan Flores Mogollón again prohibited settlers from visiting "ranches of the wild Indians for the purposes of barter and trade." Two years later, he surrendered authority. Instead of bans, he ordered captives be baptized as if they were African slaves.
The attempted transformation of captives into slaves accelerated under Félix Martínez. In 1716, he ordered an attack on Utes and their allies. Cristóbal de la Serna descended upon a peaceful encampment near Antonio mountain. Martínez sent the captives to Nueva Viscaya where they were sold. He divided the profits with his brother.
Sebastían Martín’s descendants told Ralph Twitchell in the early twentieth century, that he had been the one responsible, and that the raid had been led by two of this sons-in-laws, Juan Antonio de Padilla and Carlos Fernandéz. The latter wasn’t involved; he didn’t marry into the family until much later. However, Serna’s daughter had married Martín’s nephew, Nicolás Jacinto Martín, in 1712.
The sale of captives into slavery violated one of the unwritten rules of the captive trade. As long as captives were kept in Nuevo México, it was possible to see them, or at least hear about them. They, no doubt, were sources of information about colonial life, and maltreatment would have been known. It was even possible for captives to escape. Exile to distant lands was a death sentence.
Regulatory enforcement of Martínez’s misbehavior took awhile, but relatives of the 1716 victims raided Serna’s ranch at Embudo in 1719. They took four hoses and a captive boy. The same night they shot arrows at Diego Romero in Arroyo Hondo. He was able to flee to safety.
Something had changed. When not enough horses were available for trade, they were stolen. José López Naranjo noticed an increase in thefts around 1718. Perhaps there were, indeed, fewer horses available, perhaps there were more natives. Not only did native sons come of age, but more Shoshone may have been filtering south.
Shoshone attitudes toward the Apache, who were selling captives, hardened. Miguel de la Vega y Coca, alcalde of Taos and Picurís said they came "for the purpose of interfering with the little barter which this kingdom has with the nations which come in to ransom."
Santa Fé merchant Jean l'Archevêque added, "that for more than seven or eight years they have come to steal horses and rob herds and run away with the goods in the trade which this kingdom has with the Apaches of El Cuartelejo." He called the proposed expedition against the Utes a "just war." In fact, to him, it was a just trade war.
Diego Romero was described as a coyote by the local alcalde, Miguel Tenorio de Alba. What he was doing so far north and west of Taos pueblo isn’t known. He may have used captive labor, he may have been a middleman, he may have been an unexpected witness.
Angélico Chávez said he was the great-grandson of Francisco Cadimo, who came as a soldier with Oñate. Francisco had two daughters. One must have had an illegitimate child, Alonso Cadimo, who lived with Felipe Romero in the Río Abajo before the revolt and took his last name. Chávez identified Alonso as a criado.
Diego had some ties to La Cañada. In 1661, Felipe Romero had been associated with Bartolomé Gómez Robledo. There was another Alonso Romero, who was the son of Miguel Romero de la Cruz. The Inquisition prosecuted him for bigamy after he married Bartolomé’s niece, María. Diego’s mother later married Mateo Trujillo. He himself "acquired considerable land at Taos," according to Chávez.
The attack on Romero frightened the pueblo priest into writing the governor. Juan de la Cruz said, "all the valley of Taos is harassed by a growing number of Utes" and "it is feared that they might attack the pueblo or do some injury."
Coincidentally, the priest at Cochití pueblo, Manuel de la Peña, said a Queres had been killed by Utes. When they went searching for them, they found evidence a great many had been in the area.
Antonio Valverde called a council of war in August. Each man repeated the same words, that they came as friends, but stole their horses. Serna added, with the murders, they "have declared themselves enemies, let war be made." Those who testified after him repeated his words.
The council authorized an expedition led by the governor. On the plains they were joined by warriors from Sierra Blanca under Carlana. Whenever they met Apache families, they were told of depredations. However, they never saw more than remains of camp sites.
The alliance between the Ute and the Shoshone frayed. Around 1719, the Ute began grouping them with the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowa as Komántica. Marvin Opler was told, that meant "anyone who wants to fight with me all the time." Ernest Wallace said, they narrowed the term to refer only to Comanche around 1726.
The captives for horses trade continued, with little official interference. The identities of the captives and the sellers changed. In 1732, the governor, Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, tried to assert some Apache were under the protection of the government, and weren’t to be sold. Five years later, the next governor condoned trades that were treated as ransoms. Enrique de Olavide only asked to be notified.
Notes: Mooney believed the first document to use Cumanche was the 1719 dairy of Valverde. It referred to "naciones Yutas y Cumanches." The meetings of the council of war held a month earlier used the term "los Yndios Yutas." I am using Shoshone until 1719. I suspect most translations of earlier documents used the common term, and not the historic one, especially when some of the historic terms were confusing.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor, José. Order, prohibiting the sale of horses from the horse herd, 11 August 1707; order, prohibiting the taking of horses or mules from the caballada. 6 May 1708; in Twitchell, Archives.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Cruz, Juan de la. Letter to the governor, Antonio Valverde Cosio, 12 August 1719; in Thomas.
Cruzat y Góngora, Gervasio. Bando, prohibiting the sale of Apache captives to the Pueblo Indians, 6 December 1732; in Twitchell, Archives.
Flores Magollón, Juan Ignacio. Order, prohibiting the settlers visiting the ranches of the wild Indians, 16 December 1712; bando, ordering the baptism of Apache captives in the same manner as Negro slaves, 26 September 1714; in Twitchell, Archives.
L'Archevêque, Jean. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Mooney, James. The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, 1896.
Naranjo, José López. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Olavide y Michelena, Enrique. Bando, in relation to trade with the wild tribes, 7 January 1737; cited by Pekka Hämäläinen, The Comanche Empire, 2008.
Opler, Marvin K. "The Origins of Comanche and Ute," American Anthropologist 45:155-158:1943.
Peña, Manuel de la. Letter to Antonio Valverde quoted by Thomas.
Serna, Cristobal de la. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. The Leading Facts of New Mexico History, volume 1, 1911; on Martínez family legend.
_____. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706; in Thomas; on Penxaye Apache.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche Indians, 1719; in Thomas.
Wallace, Ernest and E. Adamson Hoebel. The Comanches, 1986 edition.
The markets for horses and captives weren’t saturated. According to Hubert Bancroft, Francisco Cuervo was forced to abandon attempts to subdue the Moqui in April of 1707, because troops were needed in Santa Fé to recover horses stolen while he was in the west. No sooner were they recovered, than they disappeared again. In August, José Chacón issued orders prohibiting the sale of presidio horses, and repeated them in 1708.
The trade in captives continued. In 1712, Juan Flores Mogollón again prohibited settlers from visiting "ranches of the wild Indians for the purposes of barter and trade." Two years later, he surrendered authority. Instead of bans, he ordered captives be baptized as if they were African slaves.
The attempted transformation of captives into slaves accelerated under Félix Martínez. In 1716, he ordered an attack on Utes and their allies. Cristóbal de la Serna descended upon a peaceful encampment near Antonio mountain. Martínez sent the captives to Nueva Viscaya where they were sold. He divided the profits with his brother.
Sebastían Martín’s descendants told Ralph Twitchell in the early twentieth century, that he had been the one responsible, and that the raid had been led by two of this sons-in-laws, Juan Antonio de Padilla and Carlos Fernandéz. The latter wasn’t involved; he didn’t marry into the family until much later. However, Serna’s daughter had married Martín’s nephew, Nicolás Jacinto Martín, in 1712.
The sale of captives into slavery violated one of the unwritten rules of the captive trade. As long as captives were kept in Nuevo México, it was possible to see them, or at least hear about them. They, no doubt, were sources of information about colonial life, and maltreatment would have been known. It was even possible for captives to escape. Exile to distant lands was a death sentence.
Regulatory enforcement of Martínez’s misbehavior took awhile, but relatives of the 1716 victims raided Serna’s ranch at Embudo in 1719. They took four hoses and a captive boy. The same night they shot arrows at Diego Romero in Arroyo Hondo. He was able to flee to safety.
Something had changed. When not enough horses were available for trade, they were stolen. José López Naranjo noticed an increase in thefts around 1718. Perhaps there were, indeed, fewer horses available, perhaps there were more natives. Not only did native sons come of age, but more Shoshone may have been filtering south.
Shoshone attitudes toward the Apache, who were selling captives, hardened. Miguel de la Vega y Coca, alcalde of Taos and Picurís said they came "for the purpose of interfering with the little barter which this kingdom has with the nations which come in to ransom."
Santa Fé merchant Jean l'Archevêque added, "that for more than seven or eight years they have come to steal horses and rob herds and run away with the goods in the trade which this kingdom has with the Apaches of El Cuartelejo." He called the proposed expedition against the Utes a "just war." In fact, to him, it was a just trade war.
Diego Romero was described as a coyote by the local alcalde, Miguel Tenorio de Alba. What he was doing so far north and west of Taos pueblo isn’t known. He may have used captive labor, he may have been a middleman, he may have been an unexpected witness.
Angélico Chávez said he was the great-grandson of Francisco Cadimo, who came as a soldier with Oñate. Francisco had two daughters. One must have had an illegitimate child, Alonso Cadimo, who lived with Felipe Romero in the Río Abajo before the revolt and took his last name. Chávez identified Alonso as a criado.
Diego had some ties to La Cañada. In 1661, Felipe Romero had been associated with Bartolomé Gómez Robledo. There was another Alonso Romero, who was the son of Miguel Romero de la Cruz. The Inquisition prosecuted him for bigamy after he married Bartolomé’s niece, María. Diego’s mother later married Mateo Trujillo. He himself "acquired considerable land at Taos," according to Chávez.
The attack on Romero frightened the pueblo priest into writing the governor. Juan de la Cruz said, "all the valley of Taos is harassed by a growing number of Utes" and "it is feared that they might attack the pueblo or do some injury."
Coincidentally, the priest at Cochití pueblo, Manuel de la Peña, said a Queres had been killed by Utes. When they went searching for them, they found evidence a great many had been in the area.
Antonio Valverde called a council of war in August. Each man repeated the same words, that they came as friends, but stole their horses. Serna added, with the murders, they "have declared themselves enemies, let war be made." Those who testified after him repeated his words.
The council authorized an expedition led by the governor. On the plains they were joined by warriors from Sierra Blanca under Carlana. Whenever they met Apache families, they were told of depredations. However, they never saw more than remains of camp sites.
The alliance between the Ute and the Shoshone frayed. Around 1719, the Ute began grouping them with the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowa as Komántica. Marvin Opler was told, that meant "anyone who wants to fight with me all the time." Ernest Wallace said, they narrowed the term to refer only to Comanche around 1726.
The captives for horses trade continued, with little official interference. The identities of the captives and the sellers changed. In 1732, the governor, Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, tried to assert some Apache were under the protection of the government, and weren’t to be sold. Five years later, the next governor condoned trades that were treated as ransoms. Enrique de Olavide only asked to be notified.
Notes: Mooney believed the first document to use Cumanche was the 1719 dairy of Valverde. It referred to "naciones Yutas y Cumanches." The meetings of the council of war held a month earlier used the term "los Yndios Yutas." I am using Shoshone until 1719. I suspect most translations of earlier documents used the common term, and not the historic one, especially when some of the historic terms were confusing.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor, José. Order, prohibiting the sale of horses from the horse herd, 11 August 1707; order, prohibiting the taking of horses or mules from the caballada. 6 May 1708; in Twitchell, Archives.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Cruz, Juan de la. Letter to the governor, Antonio Valverde Cosio, 12 August 1719; in Thomas.
Cruzat y Góngora, Gervasio. Bando, prohibiting the sale of Apache captives to the Pueblo Indians, 6 December 1732; in Twitchell, Archives.
Flores Magollón, Juan Ignacio. Order, prohibiting the settlers visiting the ranches of the wild Indians, 16 December 1712; bando, ordering the baptism of Apache captives in the same manner as Negro slaves, 26 September 1714; in Twitchell, Archives.
L'Archevêque, Jean. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Mooney, James. The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, 1896.
Naranjo, José López. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Olavide y Michelena, Enrique. Bando, in relation to trade with the wild tribes, 7 January 1737; cited by Pekka Hämäläinen, The Comanche Empire, 2008.
Opler, Marvin K. "The Origins of Comanche and Ute," American Anthropologist 45:155-158:1943.
Peña, Manuel de la. Letter to Antonio Valverde quoted by Thomas.
Serna, Cristobal de la. Opinion on proposed expedition, 19 August 1719; in Thomas.
Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. The Leading Facts of New Mexico History, volume 1, 1911; on Martínez family legend.
_____. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706; in Thomas; on Penxaye Apache.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche Indians, 1719; in Thomas.
Wallace, Ernest and E. Adamson Hoebel. The Comanches, 1986 edition.
Labels:
01 Archevêque,
01 Gómez,
01 Romero,
01 Serna,
02 Apache 1-5,
02 Comanche,
02 Ute,
08 Santa Cruz 6-10
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