Diego de Vargas reported he had created the villa of Santa Cruz on 12 April 1695 for colonists recruited in Mexico City by Cristóbal Velasco. As the last post indicates, early marriage records indicate it was much more complicated.
First there were several locations subsumed under the name Santa Cruz. Those who had lived in La Cañada before the Revolt still had claim to their lands. New settlers were placed in housing used by San Gabriel and San Cristóbal that did not conflict with prior claims.
The actual lands granted to the villa were much greater. They included everything in the area bounded by the lands already granted to Santa Clara on the west, San Juan on the north, San Ildefonso, Jacona and Pojoaque to the south, and Nambé to the southeast.
We know some men whose names appeared on the 1695 La Cañada survey did not return. The pueblos warned Vargas they would not allow the former war captain, Francisco Xavier, to reenter.
The man prosecuted by the Inquisition, Francisco Gómez Robledo, did not return, but his daughters Francisca and María resettled in Santa Fé. The first married Ignacio Roybal in 1696. Two years later, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero gave him title to lands owned earlier by her father. Roybal would serve as High Sheriff of the Inquisition when it was reestablished.
Another man from a family suspected of being Jewish, Augustín Romero, was dead in 1663. His brother Bartolomé had married María Granillo del Moral. Luis Granillo was representing the family’s interest after the Reconquest.
The most ambitious son of the third suspected Jewish family in La Cañada, Juan González Bas, moved to the Río Abajo when it opened. Although most of the descendants of Pascuala Bernal, who came with his great-grandfather Juan Griego moved elsewhere, the Bernal and Griego names flit through La Cañada’s history.
Juan’s uncle, Sebastián González, returned with the Reconquest, but his connections were in Santa Fé and the Río Abajo.
Some died before 1693. Diego López del Castillo was more than 80 years old in 1880. All his children were daughters. Chávez doesn’t give their names, so it’s impossible to know if they came back with their husbands.
Marcos de Herrera had died before the Revolt. However, his son Domingo de Herrera did come back.
Ambrosio Sáez and his son, Agustín, fled the refugee camp in 1682. The son enlisted in 1694 at the mining town of Parral and returned to Santa Fé with his second wife, Antonia Márquez. He was banished from that town in 1701 for adultery, and later tried to marry the daughter of Matías Madrid.
Angélico Chávez says Juan Archuleta, the son of Melchor de Archuleta, returned. He gives no information on Melchor. He may have died and no record has been found. Juan’s wife was Isabel González.
Chávez says Bartolomé Montoya was destitute in 1680, with a family of seven. The Felipe Montoya who return was likely his son.
Miguel Luján was with Vargas at Santa Fé when the Tano attacked in 1693. He died in 1694 at Cochití. His son Cristóbal was with him in Santa Fé, and moved to Santa Cruz.
Of the others mentioned in Granillo’s 1695 survey, the descendants of Hernán and Luis Martín Serrano were the most prolific. They came in all shades of legitimacy and resettled family lands. In this period, the sons of Luis in Santa Cruz continued to use the name Martín Serrano, while the sons of Hernán used Martín. The grandsons both used Martín, as did the daughters and granddaughters.
Many of the La Cañada families had intermarried before the Revolt. It’s likely many descendants not named by Chávez had returned. Familiar names reappear in the marriage transactions, but the connections were lost when the records of the colony were destroyed during the Interregnum. This is especially true for the names Bernal, González, López, and Luján.
It’s impossible to know if any of the children of the Nicolás or Pedro de la Cruz returned. The name was still an indicator of fathers who wouldn’t acknowledge their offspring. Probably the daughters used the names of their husbands to blend anonymously into society. Sons could have used the names of their mothers for the same reason.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695, included in Blood on the Boulders, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge. Names in bold appeared in the survey; the complete list with details was posted on 22 June 2014.
Vargas, Diego de. Proclamation, 19 April 1695, in Twitchell, Archives 1, defines land grant.
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Showing posts with label 09 Santa Cruz 1-5. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 09 Santa Cruz 1-5. Show all posts
Wednesday, March 18, 2015
Sunday, March 15, 2015
Santa Cruz Population
The cannibalized remains of the Santa Cruz settlement suggest people had abandoned it. Those who lived nearby then scavenged materials for buildings. The diligencias matrimoniales performed by the church before a marriage hint at the chronology.
Among the families who returned to their lands in or near La Cañada, there were ten marriages from 1696 to 1699. Among the newer migrants, there were nine in those years. There were four marriages between the groups, with three between widows and widowers.
The records are sparse between 1700 and 1706. Four couples from La Cañada married, but only one pair of colonists from México.
Beginning in 1707, the number of marriages is more normal, but the majority were older families: nine. Only one occurred among the newer colonists.
Not all the new migrants disappeared from the record. There were three first-time marriages between the two groups between 1700 and 1706. The three mixed weddings between 1707 and 1713 included two between widows and widowers.
During prenuptial investigations, church investigators asked for character references from several witnesses. The reports, published by Angélico Chávez, usually gave the person’s place of birth. These suggest more about the changes within the new migrant community.
In the first two years in Santa Cruz, the witnesses recruited by Cristóbal Velasco included nine from Mexico City, one from nearby Toluca, and two from Puebla. There were eight from Spain and one from Villa de Los Lagos. After those years, witnesses only came from Mexico City.
The colonists recruited in Zacatecas by Juan Páez Hurtado were settled in Santa Fé in 1695. By 1697, some may have moved to Santa Cruz to join those who came with Francisco Farfan. In 1696, the prenuptial witnesses came from the mining towns of Zacatecas (1), Salvatierra (1), Celaya (1), Patzcuaro (1) and Guanajuato (1). The next year, there were many more from Zacatecas (3) and Sombrerete (3). The other mining town witnesses were from Zamora (1) and Patzcuaro (1). After that, witnesses only come from Zacatecas and Sombrerete.
If there were no physical record for desertion of the villa, one would consider other explanations for the decline in marriages, and presumably population, around 1700. There may have been no priest in Santa Cruz or procedures for prenuptial investigations may have varied with some personnel change in Santa Fé.
The economy might have been bad and no one could afford the fees associated with marriage. The possibility of fees also suggests diligencias matrimoniales may only have been done by those with some resources, and that the number of those from México dwindled after 1699.
The records probably signify little about people who didn’t have the resources for church condoned marriages. Only two were recorded in Santa Cruz in these years among couples who might have had lower status.
In 1704 two people with unknown parents married: Diego de Gamboa and Ynez Herrera. In 1707, Pedro Atencio married an Indian, Isabel. He was the son of José de Atienza Sevilla, who came from Mexico City. She was the servant of Pedro’s older brother, Francisco.
Isabel was identified in her diligencia as an Aa. Chávez said that tribal name appears in the records, but is unknown by anthropologists. He concluded it might be related to the Wichita. Historians have associated the Wichita with the Jumano, a tribe that lived near Salinas. When it disintegrated, remnants merged into other bands.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989; on Aa.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982; contains the diligencias matrimoniales.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
The records are sparse between 1700 and 1706. Four couples from La Cañada married, but only one pair of colonists from México.
Beginning in 1707, the number of marriages is more normal, but the majority were older families: nine. Only one occurred among the newer colonists.
Not all the new migrants disappeared from the record. There were three first-time marriages between the two groups between 1700 and 1706. The three mixed weddings between 1707 and 1713 included two between widows and widowers.
During prenuptial investigations, church investigators asked for character references from several witnesses. The reports, published by Angélico Chávez, usually gave the person’s place of birth. These suggest more about the changes within the new migrant community.
In the first two years in Santa Cruz, the witnesses recruited by Cristóbal Velasco included nine from Mexico City, one from nearby Toluca, and two from Puebla. There were eight from Spain and one from Villa de Los Lagos. After those years, witnesses only came from Mexico City.
If there were no physical record for desertion of the villa, one would consider other explanations for the decline in marriages, and presumably population, around 1700. There may have been no priest in Santa Cruz or procedures for prenuptial investigations may have varied with some personnel change in Santa Fé.
The economy might have been bad and no one could afford the fees associated with marriage. The possibility of fees also suggests diligencias matrimoniales may only have been done by those with some resources, and that the number of those from México dwindled after 1699.
The records probably signify little about people who didn’t have the resources for church condoned marriages. Only two were recorded in Santa Cruz in these years among couples who might have had lower status.
In 1704 two people with unknown parents married: Diego de Gamboa and Ynez Herrera. In 1707, Pedro Atencio married an Indian, Isabel. He was the son of José de Atienza Sevilla, who came from Mexico City. She was the servant of Pedro’s older brother, Francisco.
Isabel was identified in her diligencia as an Aa. Chávez said that tribal name appears in the records, but is unknown by anthropologists. He concluded it might be related to the Wichita. Historians have associated the Wichita with the Jumano, a tribe that lived near Salinas. When it disintegrated, remnants merged into other bands.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989; on Aa.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982; contains the diligencias matrimoniales.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
Wednesday, March 11, 2015
New Mexico Politics
Governors were a new world innovation within the Spanish governmental hierarchy created to handle frontier settlements too far from Mexico City for direct supervision by the viceroy. According to Charles Cutter, they had military, administrative, fiscal, and judicial responsibilities similar to those of alcaldes in Mexico City and Zacatecas.
Community expectations for governors may have fueled the conflict between Diego de Vargas and the man who followed him in power, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero. He had been appointed governor on 6 June 1692, but did not assume office until 2 July 1697. Legally, de Vargas was the military leader, and maintained his position through conventions of martial law.
The event that may have persuaded Cubero to accept the governorship was a change in leadership in Mexico City. The viceroy who had sponsored de Vargas, Gaspar de la Cerda, resigned on 26 February 1696. His successor, José Sarmeinto Valladares, didn’t take office until 18 December 1696. The Bishop of Michoacán, Juan Ortega y Montañés, served in the interim.
Cubero restored the civil authority of the cabildo in Santa Fé. It responded by charging de Vargas with failing to fulfill his public functions during the famine of 1696 by not supplying enough corn. In Mexico City and Zacatecas cabildos were responsible for procuring and distributing the food supply. In extraordinary circumstances, like the famine in Mexico City in 1697, Cubero’s viceroyal patron became active.
When de Vargas returned as governor in November of 1703, the cabildo charged Cubero with neglecting his duty to protect the people by abandoning the frontier post of Santa Cruz. It said, "there were very large houses and a plaza with a chapel and convento, all behind a door and parapets" when Vargas settled the villa. Now, it said, the settlement was "laid waste and ruined, with the wood and adobes removed and only the foundations remaining."
De Vargas believed the northern outpost must remain compact to be defendable, and populated to serve its defense function for the colony. He also believed peaceful relations with the pueblos depended on keeping them separated from the españoles.
Cubero acquiesced to the desires of the people de Vargas had settled in Santa Cruz. Some wanted more land to sustain themselves, others wanted to return to the more urbanized Santa Fé.
The only land grants in the Santa Cruz area that survive in the archives from the time of de Vargas, were small. The half fanega he gave Tomás de Herrera y Sandoval near Chimayó in 1695 was three-quarters of an acre, enough to plant half a fanega of corn seed. That would support one adult and maybe a small child for a year, with some left for seed.
Cubero approved larger grants, and allowed many to move near pueblos. In 1698, he granted eight fanegas of wheat land to Juan de Archuleta near San Juan. He also granted land to Juan de la Mora Pineda.
The next year he ceded a rancho and lands to Francisco Guerrero de la Mora. In 1700, he granted lands on the Chama river to Diego Trujillo and Catalina Griego, and lands between Santa Clara and San Ildefonso to Mateo Trujillo. He also let José Trujillo have the lands near the Black Mesa that had belonged to Francisco Jiménez and Ambrosia Saenz before the Revolt, and granted land to Luis Martín.
Few records of private land transfers exist for the time de Vargas was in control. Gertrudis de Barreras y Sandoval sold half a fanega of land in 1695 to Mateo Trujillo.
As soon as Cubero arrived, Juan de Archuleta began acquiring land from people in Santa Cruz. In 1697 he received a rancho from Manuel Vallejo González, and the next year a rancho from Tomás Jirón de Texeda that had belonged to Alonzo del Río. His widow, Isabel González, consolidated his holdings in 1698 with land that Pedro de la Cruz had conveyed to Manual Vallejo.
In March of 1703, Diego González and Ambrosio Fresqui filed a denuncia, or statement of criminal activity, notifying Cubero that Felipe de Arratia had fenced off a section of the road to Chimayó. His actions forced carters to use a narrow, muddy road near the Santa Cruz river. They appealed to Cubero’s fiscal responsibilities when they noted "the camino real should remain open because it is royal property."
Cubero asked his lieutenant alcalde mayor, Matías Madrid, to determine the facts. All the witnesses agreed the traditional road limited Arratia’s ability to grow crops. They also agreed the road by the river was hazardous for oxen bringing vigas down from Chimayó. One even suggested it would be a good place for an Apache ambush.
The governor’s responsibilities as judge required him to give precedence to community harmony, equidad, over those of individuals. Madrid persuaded Arratia to reopen the road. Despite bickering in Santa Fé, the rudiments of civil law were functioning in Santa Cruz.
Notes:
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995.
Fat Knowledge. "How Many People Can the Earth Support?, 30 November 2008 blog posting. He calculates a "bushel of corn can support a person for 52 days at 2,400 kcal/day with 25.4kg/bushel)," or 7 bushels a year. I reduced that number, since nutritional values may be greater today.
Gibson, Charles. The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, 1964. He calculates the corn yield in a good year would have been 75 to 125 fanegas for one sown, with 11 fanega or 17 bushels an acre. That would mean .75 acres would produce 12.75 bushels.
Rowlett, Ross. "How Many? A Dictionary of Units of Measure," 2001, website. He says, "one fanega of land grows one fanega of corn seed." It was standardized to 1.59 acres in 1801, or .75 acres for a half fanega.
Santa Fé Cabildo. Certification, 2 December 1703," included in A Settling of Accounts, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, Meredith D. Dodge, and Larry R. Miller.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914. When entries with the same names appear in different years, it’s hard to determine if they are separate transactions or continuations of the same.
Community expectations for governors may have fueled the conflict between Diego de Vargas and the man who followed him in power, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero. He had been appointed governor on 6 June 1692, but did not assume office until 2 July 1697. Legally, de Vargas was the military leader, and maintained his position through conventions of martial law.
The event that may have persuaded Cubero to accept the governorship was a change in leadership in Mexico City. The viceroy who had sponsored de Vargas, Gaspar de la Cerda, resigned on 26 February 1696. His successor, José Sarmeinto Valladares, didn’t take office until 18 December 1696. The Bishop of Michoacán, Juan Ortega y Montañés, served in the interim.
Cubero restored the civil authority of the cabildo in Santa Fé. It responded by charging de Vargas with failing to fulfill his public functions during the famine of 1696 by not supplying enough corn. In Mexico City and Zacatecas cabildos were responsible for procuring and distributing the food supply. In extraordinary circumstances, like the famine in Mexico City in 1697, Cubero’s viceroyal patron became active.
When de Vargas returned as governor in November of 1703, the cabildo charged Cubero with neglecting his duty to protect the people by abandoning the frontier post of Santa Cruz. It said, "there were very large houses and a plaza with a chapel and convento, all behind a door and parapets" when Vargas settled the villa. Now, it said, the settlement was "laid waste and ruined, with the wood and adobes removed and only the foundations remaining."
De Vargas believed the northern outpost must remain compact to be defendable, and populated to serve its defense function for the colony. He also believed peaceful relations with the pueblos depended on keeping them separated from the españoles.
Cubero acquiesced to the desires of the people de Vargas had settled in Santa Cruz. Some wanted more land to sustain themselves, others wanted to return to the more urbanized Santa Fé.
The only land grants in the Santa Cruz area that survive in the archives from the time of de Vargas, were small. The half fanega he gave Tomás de Herrera y Sandoval near Chimayó in 1695 was three-quarters of an acre, enough to plant half a fanega of corn seed. That would support one adult and maybe a small child for a year, with some left for seed.
Cubero approved larger grants, and allowed many to move near pueblos. In 1698, he granted eight fanegas of wheat land to Juan de Archuleta near San Juan. He also granted land to Juan de la Mora Pineda.
The next year he ceded a rancho and lands to Francisco Guerrero de la Mora. In 1700, he granted lands on the Chama river to Diego Trujillo and Catalina Griego, and lands between Santa Clara and San Ildefonso to Mateo Trujillo. He also let José Trujillo have the lands near the Black Mesa that had belonged to Francisco Jiménez and Ambrosia Saenz before the Revolt, and granted land to Luis Martín.
Few records of private land transfers exist for the time de Vargas was in control. Gertrudis de Barreras y Sandoval sold half a fanega of land in 1695 to Mateo Trujillo.
As soon as Cubero arrived, Juan de Archuleta began acquiring land from people in Santa Cruz. In 1697 he received a rancho from Manuel Vallejo González, and the next year a rancho from Tomás Jirón de Texeda that had belonged to Alonzo del Río. His widow, Isabel González, consolidated his holdings in 1698 with land that Pedro de la Cruz had conveyed to Manual Vallejo.
In March of 1703, Diego González and Ambrosio Fresqui filed a denuncia, or statement of criminal activity, notifying Cubero that Felipe de Arratia had fenced off a section of the road to Chimayó. His actions forced carters to use a narrow, muddy road near the Santa Cruz river. They appealed to Cubero’s fiscal responsibilities when they noted "the camino real should remain open because it is royal property."
Cubero asked his lieutenant alcalde mayor, Matías Madrid, to determine the facts. All the witnesses agreed the traditional road limited Arratia’s ability to grow crops. They also agreed the road by the river was hazardous for oxen bringing vigas down from Chimayó. One even suggested it would be a good place for an Apache ambush.
The governor’s responsibilities as judge required him to give precedence to community harmony, equidad, over those of individuals. Madrid persuaded Arratia to reopen the road. Despite bickering in Santa Fé, the rudiments of civil law were functioning in Santa Cruz.
Notes:
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995.
Fat Knowledge. "How Many People Can the Earth Support?, 30 November 2008 blog posting. He calculates a "bushel of corn can support a person for 52 days at 2,400 kcal/day with 25.4kg/bushel)," or 7 bushels a year. I reduced that number, since nutritional values may be greater today.
Gibson, Charles. The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, 1964. He calculates the corn yield in a good year would have been 75 to 125 fanegas for one sown, with 11 fanega or 17 bushels an acre. That would mean .75 acres would produce 12.75 bushels.
Rowlett, Ross. "How Many? A Dictionary of Units of Measure," 2001, website. He says, "one fanega of land grows one fanega of corn seed." It was standardized to 1.59 acres in 1801, or .75 acres for a half fanega.
Santa Fé Cabildo. Certification, 2 December 1703," included in A Settling of Accounts, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, Meredith D. Dodge, and Larry R. Miller.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914. When entries with the same names appear in different years, it’s hard to determine if they are separate transactions or continuations of the same.
Saturday, February 07, 2015
Local Land Grants
Land Grants in Río Arriba County or near Santa Cruz
Types
A Community land grants identified through original grant documentation
B Community land grants identified by grant heirs and others
C Community land grants issues to Indian pueblos
D First mention is Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
Date, Grant Name, Grant Type, Other Names for Grant
1689 Pueblo of San Juan (C)
1695 Santa Cruz (A) Juan Salas
1699 Pueblo of Santa Clara (C)
1705 Sebastián Martín N (B)
1707 Bartolomé Sánchez (B)
1710 Juan de Ulibarri (B)
1714 Antonio de Salazar (B)
1724 Chamita (B)
1725 Embudo (B)
1734 Bartolomé Trujillo (A)
1735 Barranca (A) Gerónimo Martín
1739 Plaza Colorado (B)
1743 Black Mesa (B) Medina
1754 Abiquiú (A)
1754 Nuestra Señora del Rosario, San Fernando, y Santiago (A) Isabel Jaramillo de Romero, Rancho Las Truchas
1754 Francisco Montes Vigil (B)
1763 Cañada de Santa Clara (C)
1766 Polvadera (B) Juan Pablo Martín
1768 José Ignacio Alarí (B)
1780 El Rito
1793 Ojo Caliente (A) Antonio Joseph
1806 Cañon de Chama (A)
1807 Juan Bautista Valdez (A)
1807 Vallecito de San Antonio (A)
1824 Vallecito de Lovato (town) (A) José R. Zamora, José Salazar y Ortiz, S. Endicott Peabody
1832 Tierra Amarilla (A)
1836 Petaca (A) José Antonio García
1840 Río del Oso (B) José Antonio Valdez
1842 Los Conejos (A)
Date confirmed and not listed above
1893 Piedra Lumbre (D) Casa de José Riano, Pedro Martín Serano
1897 Angostura (D) Juan José Gallegos
Notes:
United States. General Accounting Office. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: Definition and List of Community Land Grants in New Mexico, 2001.
Types
A Community land grants identified through original grant documentation
B Community land grants identified by grant heirs and others
C Community land grants issues to Indian pueblos
D First mention is Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
Date, Grant Name, Grant Type, Other Names for Grant
1689 Pueblo of San Juan (C)
1695 Santa Cruz (A) Juan Salas
1699 Pueblo of Santa Clara (C)
1705 Sebastián Martín N (B)
1707 Bartolomé Sánchez (B)
1710 Juan de Ulibarri (B)
1714 Antonio de Salazar (B)
1724 Chamita (B)
1725 Embudo (B)
1734 Bartolomé Trujillo (A)
1735 Barranca (A) Gerónimo Martín
1739 Plaza Colorado (B)
1743 Black Mesa (B) Medina
1754 Abiquiú (A)
1754 Nuestra Señora del Rosario, San Fernando, y Santiago (A) Isabel Jaramillo de Romero, Rancho Las Truchas
1754 Francisco Montes Vigil (B)
1763 Cañada de Santa Clara (C)
1766 Polvadera (B) Juan Pablo Martín
1768 José Ignacio Alarí (B)
1780 El Rito
1793 Ojo Caliente (A) Antonio Joseph
1806 Cañon de Chama (A)
1807 Juan Bautista Valdez (A)
1807 Vallecito de San Antonio (A)
1824 Vallecito de Lovato (town) (A) José R. Zamora, José Salazar y Ortiz, S. Endicott Peabody
1832 Tierra Amarilla (A)
1836 Petaca (A) José Antonio García
1840 Río del Oso (B) José Antonio Valdez
1842 Los Conejos (A)
Date confirmed and not listed above
1893 Piedra Lumbre (D) Casa de José Riano, Pedro Martín Serano
1897 Angostura (D) Juan José Gallegos
Notes:
United States. General Accounting Office. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: Definition and List of Community Land Grants in New Mexico, 2001.
Wednesday, February 04, 2015
Santa Cruz Leaders, 1695-1713
Red are the monarchs of Spain
Bold are the viceroys of New Spain
Regular type are the governors of New Mexico
Italics are the alcaldes of Santa Cruz
Habsburg Dynasty, 1665-1700 Charles II
1688-1696 Gasper de Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Conde de Galve
Diego de Vargas (1691-)
1696-1701 José Sarmeinto Valladares, Conde de Moctezuma y de Tula Grande de Espana
Diego de Vargas (continues to 1697)
1696 Miguel Ladrón de Guevara
1696- José Trujillo
Pedro Rodríguez Cubero (1697-)
Bourbon Dynasty, 1700-1724 Philip V
1701-1714 War of Spanish Succession
1701 Juan de Ortega y Montanez, Arzobispo de Mexico
1701-1711 Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva Enriquez, Duque de Alburquerque y Marques de Cuellar
Pedro Rodríguez Cubero (continues to 1703)
Diego de Vargas (1703-1704)
Juan Páez Hurtado (1704-1705)
Francisco Cuervo y Valdés (provisional, June 1705-August 1707)
Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor (1707-)
Continues José Trujillo
1711-1716 Fernando de Alencastre Norona y Silva, Duque de Linares
Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor (continues to 1712)
Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon (1712-1715)
Continues José Trujillo
1713 Jacinto Sánchez de Iñigo
Note: Alcaldes from Angélico Chávez, Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition
Viceroys from Wallace L. McKeehan, "Viceroys, Commandantes, Governors & Presidents," DeWitt Colony, Texas website
Rest from Wikipedia
Bold are the viceroys of New Spain
Regular type are the governors of New Mexico
Italics are the alcaldes of Santa Cruz
Habsburg Dynasty, 1665-1700 Charles II
1688-1696 Gasper de Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Conde de Galve
Diego de Vargas (1691-)
1696-1701 José Sarmeinto Valladares, Conde de Moctezuma y de Tula Grande de Espana
Diego de Vargas (continues to 1697)
1696 Miguel Ladrón de Guevara
1696- José Trujillo
Pedro Rodríguez Cubero (1697-)
Bourbon Dynasty, 1700-1724 Philip V
1701-1714 War of Spanish Succession
1701 Juan de Ortega y Montanez, Arzobispo de Mexico
1701-1711 Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva Enriquez, Duque de Alburquerque y Marques de Cuellar
Pedro Rodríguez Cubero (continues to 1703)
Diego de Vargas (1703-1704)
Juan Páez Hurtado (1704-1705)
Francisco Cuervo y Valdés (provisional, June 1705-August 1707)
Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor (1707-)
Continues José Trujillo
1711-1716 Fernando de Alencastre Norona y Silva, Duque de Linares
Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor (continues to 1712)
Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon (1712-1715)
Continues José Trujillo
1713 Jacinto Sánchez de Iñigo
Note: Alcaldes from Angélico Chávez, Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition
Viceroys from Wallace L. McKeehan, "Viceroys, Commandantes, Governors & Presidents," DeWitt Colony, Texas website
Rest from Wikipedia
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