Two military ranks appeared in diligencias matrimoniales: capitánes of the militia and soldiers in the presidio. The latter included sargentos and sargento mayors. Other ranks existed in Santa Fé, but these were the ones known in Santa Cruz.
Thomas Naylor said New Spain paid its soldiers so poorly, few would enlist. Only the worst were turned away. In 1708, charges were brought against Martín García and six men under his command for mistreating men at Galisteo. Cristóbal Lucero stabbed one in the head. Miguel Durán threw others off scaffolds. García himself ordered Lorenzo Rodríguez to tie, hang, and whip a man.
There was no death penalty for Lucero killing a man. The Duque de Albuquerque wanted him sentenced to a distant presidio and the others warned. The viceroy was overruled by his auditor generals of war. In 1710, they suggested García also be sentenced to another presidio and Durán be warned. One of the pardoned, Alonso Garcia de Noriega, was the nephew of Leonor Domínguez and Alonso Rael de Aguilar. Their uncle Lázaro had been killed at Galisteo in 1680.
Low wages meant few soldiers could afford families. With no patrimony, their sons enlisted and their daughters had few prospects. The only man who married in Santa Cruz in these years was a second generation soldier. Miguel Tenorio de Alba had risen to capitán by the time he wed Agustína Romero in 1705. She was the daughter of Salvador Romero and María López de Ocanto.
The only military men called to witness Santa Cruz weddings were Sargento Ambrosio Fresqui in 1703 and Alonso Fernandéz in 1701. The one was likely the son or grandson of Capitán Juan Fresqui. The other had come from Sombrerete with his father. Capitán Juan Fernandéz de la Pedrera had migrated from Galicia.
A division without a name existed between militia capitáns and their men. Francisco Cuervo reviewed the troops in Santa Cruz in April of 1705. Eight-three men showed, but only twenty-three had horses or mules. Twenty-two had no weapons. It’s not known if two-thirds of the men had had animals they sold, if the animals they had been issued when the villa was settled had grown old, or if they never had had horses or mules.
When Roque de Madrid pursued the Navajo in August of that year, all the men were mounted and had spare animals. Cuervo had brought 600 horses from Nuevo Vizcaya. There were more than 700 horses in Madrid’s campaign herd, including those of the "Indian allies."
When Madrid started across the highlands west of the Tusas, he sent "war captains from the Tewa and Picurís nations" ahead to suggest a route. When they returned, "they laid before me as many difficulties and inconveniences as they possibly could." He ignored them to "follow the slope and the breaks of the mountains by a route no Spaniard or person from any other nation had taken until now," but did take the precaution of doubling the squadron for the horses.
A few days later, he sent his scouts ahead again, and "they returned to me and raised even greater objections to my entrada." Madrid "paid them no heed, because my mind was made up to continue until I saw everything to its conclusion."
Juan de Ulibarrí was sent across the prairies to El Cuartelejo in 1706. They met other Apache who warned them of dangerous bands ahead. He thanked them for their advice, "but I was trusting in our God who was the creator of everything and who was to keep us free from the present dangers."
Later, after they had crossed the Arkansas river, Ulibarrí’s pueblo guides warned him, "we would undergo much suffering because there was no water." The men got lost following hummocks of grass left as a trail by the Apache, but two scouts did find water. The next day, they got lost again. This time "I, with the experience of the preceding day, scattered the whole command" and so found a dry arroyo with a spring.
After they had fought several successful battles with the Navajo, Madrid called a council of "active officials, military leaders, and reserves." The horses were suffering, the men were sick from eating green corn. He asked what was "appropriate" for "a soldier’s honor."
They answered, the enemy would now hide from fear of their weapons, and so little would be gained from pursuing them. They felt it was time to "withdraw our forces to the royal presidio."
When Ulibarrí needed to violate colonial policy against arming natives by providing them with a gun in exchange for one they had taken from the Pawnee, he called a meeting of his advisors. "We had agreed by common consent that it was better to hand it over to them so that in no way should they lack confidence in our word."
There was one other division within the military, the one between men like Madrid and Ulibarrí and the men they commanded. When he was determining the best strategy for dealing with the Navajo, Madrid said he feared "the treachery of these barbarians because of my many years of experience fighting them."
But it was more than experience. It took judgement, intuition and an ability to learn from the unexpected to chart paths through unexplored wilderness, intelligence to devise ruses to trick the Navajo, and wisdom to listen to the tenor of what men said.
Such military virtues were universally recognized. Jacques Marquette said of his commander, Louis Joliet: "He possesses Tact and prudence, which are the chief qualities necessary for the success of a voyage as dangerous as it is difficult. Finally, he has the Courage to dread nothing where everything is to be Feared."
Notes: The roster doesn’t exist from Madrid’s campaign, so it’s impossible to know how many horses were available to each man.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Hendricks; Madrid quotations.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Hendricks, Rick and John P. Wilson. The Navajos in 1705, 1996; on Cuervo.
Naylor, Thomas H., Diana Hadley, and Mardith K. Schuetz-Miller. The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain, volume 2, part 2, 1997; on trial of Martín García. The records they transcribed didn’t name all six men.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.
Showing posts with label 09 Santa Cruz 11-15. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 09 Santa Cruz 11-15. Show all posts
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
Sunday, May 24, 2015
Pueblo War Rituals
Santa Clara and San Juan gained two thing by cooperating with the governors’ requests for auxiliaries. When they reported Navajo incursions, they could summon larger forces than they could mount alone. More importantly, they could continue traditional military practices while appearing to submit.
When they mustered for the Spanish, they were with their own war captains. Within campaigns, they were commanded by pueblo leaders. In 1706, it was Domingo Romero Yaguaque of Tesuque who served as capitán mayor de la guerra. In 1708, Romero and Felipe of Pecos served Juan de Ulibarrí.
Scouts were almost always from the pueblos. Diego de Vargas used José López Naranjo as his lead against the Faraón in the Sandías in 1704. Roque de Madrid used him when they chased the Navajo west the follow year. Ulibarrí used the scout with Jean de l’Archevêque when they ventured onto the plains in 1706. In 1713, Naranjo was capitán mayor against the Navajo.
Warriors continued using their traditional methods. During the 1705 campaign, they scalped the Navajo men. Antonio Álvarez Castrillón said, there were:
"many more deaths that the Indian allies will have carried out among the women and chusma over the distance they covered on top of the mesa. This is their custom, and no matter how much I reproach them, they neither take heed nor pay attention unless Spaniards are present."
Post-battle rituals were maintained, at least until 1712 when José Chacón banned them. Then they continued surreptitiously.
He reported the pueblos: "keep the scalps taken from their enemies, the unfaithful enemies whom they kill in battle, bring them and dance publicly." He speculated on what happened later in the kivas where "they invoke the devil, and in his company and with his advice and suggestion they exhort one thousand errors."
What actually happened in the kivas was probably more subtle that the witchcraft imagined by Juan de la Peña, the Franciscan custodio in 1709, or by Chacón in 1712. The governors only knew they asked pueblo alcaldes to bring specified numbers of men. They had no idea if particular warriors were selected because they were the most experienced or were initiates who needed to prove themselves.
They certainly had no idea if there were any kinship or other special relationships between the men. Commanders only recorded the numbers from each pueblo on the muster rolls, not names. Sometimes, all that survives in documents is the total number of auxiliaries, or a mere acknowledgment they were present.
In 1706, Juan Álvarez estimated there were about 210 "Christian persons, large and small" at Santa Clara and 340 at San Juan. If one assumes 30% of the male population was the right age, and only 40% of the population was male after the battles of the Reconquest, there would still have been 25 available men at the one and 40 at the other. In 1704, Santa Clara’s quota, including war captains, was five, and San Juan’s six.
Commanders knew pueblo warriors painted themselves and wore feathers when they went into battle. Soldiers and settlers camped separately from auxiliaries. They had no idea what occurred before battles when men from different pueblos prepared themselves.
Cuervo believed the auxiliaries were "satisfied with the useful spoils of war." He didn’t recognize traditional male roles, social groups, and status hierarchies were being reinforced by opportunities to continue doing what ought to be done - punishing those who had harmed the pueblos - at a time when his regime might have been undermining traditional leaders by overseeing the elections of internal governors and appointing outside alcaldes.
Notes:
Álvarez, Juan [Fray]. Declaration, 12 January 1706, in Bandelier; population numbers.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Bandelier, Adolph F. A. and Fanny R. Bandelier. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Rick Hendricks and John P. Wilson, The Navajos in 1705, 1996; chusma were non-combatants.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966; quotation on scalps from Chacón. Chacón described "the pueblos," did not specify which ones.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, in Bandalier; quotation from Cuervo.
When they mustered for the Spanish, they were with their own war captains. Within campaigns, they were commanded by pueblo leaders. In 1706, it was Domingo Romero Yaguaque of Tesuque who served as capitán mayor de la guerra. In 1708, Romero and Felipe of Pecos served Juan de Ulibarrí.
Scouts were almost always from the pueblos. Diego de Vargas used José López Naranjo as his lead against the Faraón in the Sandías in 1704. Roque de Madrid used him when they chased the Navajo west the follow year. Ulibarrí used the scout with Jean de l’Archevêque when they ventured onto the plains in 1706. In 1713, Naranjo was capitán mayor against the Navajo.
Warriors continued using their traditional methods. During the 1705 campaign, they scalped the Navajo men. Antonio Álvarez Castrillón said, there were:
"many more deaths that the Indian allies will have carried out among the women and chusma over the distance they covered on top of the mesa. This is their custom, and no matter how much I reproach them, they neither take heed nor pay attention unless Spaniards are present."
Post-battle rituals were maintained, at least until 1712 when José Chacón banned them. Then they continued surreptitiously.
He reported the pueblos: "keep the scalps taken from their enemies, the unfaithful enemies whom they kill in battle, bring them and dance publicly." He speculated on what happened later in the kivas where "they invoke the devil, and in his company and with his advice and suggestion they exhort one thousand errors."
What actually happened in the kivas was probably more subtle that the witchcraft imagined by Juan de la Peña, the Franciscan custodio in 1709, or by Chacón in 1712. The governors only knew they asked pueblo alcaldes to bring specified numbers of men. They had no idea if particular warriors were selected because they were the most experienced or were initiates who needed to prove themselves.
They certainly had no idea if there were any kinship or other special relationships between the men. Commanders only recorded the numbers from each pueblo on the muster rolls, not names. Sometimes, all that survives in documents is the total number of auxiliaries, or a mere acknowledgment they were present.
In 1706, Juan Álvarez estimated there were about 210 "Christian persons, large and small" at Santa Clara and 340 at San Juan. If one assumes 30% of the male population was the right age, and only 40% of the population was male after the battles of the Reconquest, there would still have been 25 available men at the one and 40 at the other. In 1704, Santa Clara’s quota, including war captains, was five, and San Juan’s six.
Commanders knew pueblo warriors painted themselves and wore feathers when they went into battle. Soldiers and settlers camped separately from auxiliaries. They had no idea what occurred before battles when men from different pueblos prepared themselves.
Cuervo believed the auxiliaries were "satisfied with the useful spoils of war." He didn’t recognize traditional male roles, social groups, and status hierarchies were being reinforced by opportunities to continue doing what ought to be done - punishing those who had harmed the pueblos - at a time when his regime might have been undermining traditional leaders by overseeing the elections of internal governors and appointing outside alcaldes.
Notes:
Álvarez, Juan [Fray]. Declaration, 12 January 1706, in Bandelier; population numbers.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Bandelier, Adolph F. A. and Fanny R. Bandelier. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Rick Hendricks and John P. Wilson, The Navajos in 1705, 1996; chusma were non-combatants.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966; quotation on scalps from Chacón. Chacón described "the pueblos," did not specify which ones.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, in Bandalier; quotation from Cuervo.
Tuesday, May 19, 2015
Pueblo Relations
Diego de Vargas returned as governor of Nuevo México in 1703. It’s not clear if he realized how much the settlement had changed since he left in 1697. Pueblo relations were close to those between Natives and Spaniards in New Spain, and would become completely rationalized by the man who became governor in 1705, Francisco Cuervo.
Encomiendas were gone. The only residual was Cuervo’s expectation that "Christian Catholics" in the pueblos would take "care to till and cultivate the fields" for the "father minister" for the "regular maintenance of his person."
Repartimiento was nearly gone. The only labor quotas that survived were those imposed by governors for defense. Pueblos were required to send their best warriors for expeditions against bárbaros.
Wage labor had replaced both in the years immediately after Juan de Oñate trekked north and east from Nueva Vizcaya in 1588. Natives worked the silver mines and lived in homogenous communities surrounding Zacatecas and other mining towns. Some arrived as auxiliaries in local battles against nomadic bands in northern México.
Thus, the herbalist at San Juan, Juan, would have been paid for curing the women mentioned by Leonor Domínguez in 1708. Likewise, when she went for lime, she would have been expected to trade or pay for it. Disputes only arose when Españoles, like Felipe Morgana or Antonia Luján, felt they hadn’t received what they’d been promised.
The position of Catarina Luján, the lame woman accused of witchcraft by Leonor, is less clear. She testified "Father Fray Juan Minguez took this declarant to the said Town to clean his cell" in 1708. This may have been seen as "regular maintenance of his person" rather than paid work.
The pueblos assiduously defended their rights. In 1707 San Juan complained Roque de Madrid forced members to work on Sunday and was too authoritarian. It had the alcalde sign its complaint, but the governor, Jose Chacón, didn’t pursue it.
Friars later complained Chacón and his alcaldes were forcing people to work without pay. The viceroy sent a reprimand. His successor, Juan Flores Magollón, canvassed the pueblos in 1712. All said their members were paid for services, and none had been forcibly removed.
The major change in pueblo relations came with the use of auxiliaries. Oakah Jones noted that, before de Vargas left, he used warriors from one pueblo to attack another. When he died in 1704, he was using presidio, settler and pueblo troops together against common enemies. His earlier negotiations for submission had been converted into obligations of protection held by the pueblos.
Notes: See "Chronicles of Leonor" for more on Juan, Catarina Luján, Leonor Domínguez, Antonia Luján, and Felipe Morgana.
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978; on complaint against Madrid.
Bakewell, P. J. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas 1546-1700, 1971.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Frank, Andre Gunder. Mexican Agriculture 1521-1630, 1979.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, included in Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett; quotation from Cuervo.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914; quotation from Luján.
Encomiendas were gone. The only residual was Cuervo’s expectation that "Christian Catholics" in the pueblos would take "care to till and cultivate the fields" for the "father minister" for the "regular maintenance of his person."
Repartimiento was nearly gone. The only labor quotas that survived were those imposed by governors for defense. Pueblos were required to send their best warriors for expeditions against bárbaros.
Wage labor had replaced both in the years immediately after Juan de Oñate trekked north and east from Nueva Vizcaya in 1588. Natives worked the silver mines and lived in homogenous communities surrounding Zacatecas and other mining towns. Some arrived as auxiliaries in local battles against nomadic bands in northern México.
Thus, the herbalist at San Juan, Juan, would have been paid for curing the women mentioned by Leonor Domínguez in 1708. Likewise, when she went for lime, she would have been expected to trade or pay for it. Disputes only arose when Españoles, like Felipe Morgana or Antonia Luján, felt they hadn’t received what they’d been promised.
The position of Catarina Luján, the lame woman accused of witchcraft by Leonor, is less clear. She testified "Father Fray Juan Minguez took this declarant to the said Town to clean his cell" in 1708. This may have been seen as "regular maintenance of his person" rather than paid work.
The pueblos assiduously defended their rights. In 1707 San Juan complained Roque de Madrid forced members to work on Sunday and was too authoritarian. It had the alcalde sign its complaint, but the governor, Jose Chacón, didn’t pursue it.
Friars later complained Chacón and his alcaldes were forcing people to work without pay. The viceroy sent a reprimand. His successor, Juan Flores Magollón, canvassed the pueblos in 1712. All said their members were paid for services, and none had been forcibly removed.
The major change in pueblo relations came with the use of auxiliaries. Oakah Jones noted that, before de Vargas left, he used warriors from one pueblo to attack another. When he died in 1704, he was using presidio, settler and pueblo troops together against common enemies. His earlier negotiations for submission had been converted into obligations of protection held by the pueblos.
Notes: See "Chronicles of Leonor" for more on Juan, Catarina Luján, Leonor Domínguez, Antonia Luján, and Felipe Morgana.
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978; on complaint against Madrid.
Bakewell, P. J. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas 1546-1700, 1971.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Frank, Andre Gunder. Mexican Agriculture 1521-1630, 1979.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, included in Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett; quotation from Cuervo.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914; quotation from Luján.
Tuesday, April 21, 2015
Chronicles of Leonor: His Family
The physical problems that led Españoles to seek help from San Juan were ones beyond the ability of conventional medicine to handle.
Blindness was a pervasive problem, sometimes caused by aging, sometimes by accidents, sometimes from birth, and sometimes as a consequence of small pox or syphilis. Not only was Felipe Moraga having problems, but Cristóbal Martín, the husband of Antonia de Moraga, was losing his sight when he was in his late 40s. Cristóbal’s second cousin, Francisco Martín was already blind.
Three of the colonists recruited in Mexico City had lost the sight of one eye: Juana de Ávalos,
Francisco de Porras, and Diego Márquez de Ayala. She was 30 years old in 1693, the men were 40 and 19. The interpreter who accompanied Diego de Vargas to Santa Fé, Augustín de Salazar, also was blind.
The perceived cause of Felipe Moraga’s blindness was witchcraft done by Cristóbal el Caxa at the behest of Morgana’s wife, Catarina Varela.
The nature of the illnesses of the two women cured by Juan is never mentioned. The perceived cause is witchcraft done by Michaela when the two visited the pueblo.
Leonor Domínguez suffered some kind of convulsion in church, followed by physical collapse. She remembered someone had touched her back. She came to think she had been bewitched by contact with Catarina Rosa.
Antonia Luján said Francisca Caza offered her a potion made from powder stored in a shell. After she refused, she began to feel "grave pains." Antonia came to believe she had been bewitched.
Once Spaniards recognized witchcraft as the source for their medical problems, they all followed the solution used by the friars treating Charles II. They looked for a more powerful demon to overcome the work of the previous demon.
Leonor Domínguez was the exception. She was unhappy over rumors her husband was unfaithful. She tried to express her concerns in the available languages of witchcraft and of the new civil order. To the second, she called it a matter of "criminal intimacy," implying it was the kind that could threaten the welfare of the settlement.
She said she didn’t know if the women she accused were sorcerers. She probably came to that conclusion after listening to her in-laws. Everyone mentioned in the surviving records who sought help at San Juan was related to her husband.
Antonia de Moraga was married to her husband’s great-uncle, Cristóbal Martín. Her relationship with Felipe Morgana isn’t mentioned by Angélico Chávez, but the name was only introduced once into the colony.
The immigrant ancestor, Diego Morgana, was married to Juana Bernal, the sister of Isabel Bernal. Isabel was the great-grandmother of her friend, Ana María de la Concepción Bernal.
Antonia Luján was a cousin of Leonor’s husband.
The details in Leonor’s depositions probably came from family gossip. She thought Ana María was at San Juan with María and Augustina. Instead, she was probably the one who told her about it.
The language of witchcraft wasn’t natural to her. Like Augustina Romero, her family roots lay elsewhere. She had to learn about witchcraft from the Bernals and Martín Serranos.
Family Relationships:
Sons of Hernán Martín Serrano who lived in La Cañada before the Revolt
Hernán Martín Serrano II - María Montaño
Cristóbal Martín - Antonia de Moraga
María Martín - Manuel Antonio Domínguez
Simón Martín - Petrona Domínguez
Luis Martín Serrano - Catalina de Salazar
Pedro Martín Serrano de Salazar - Juana de Argüello
Miguel Martín - Leonor Domínguez
Sebastían Martín - María Luján
Francisco Martín - Casilda Contreras
Juana Martín - Felipe Arratia
María Martín - Antonio Luján
Antonia Luján - Mateo de Ortega
Domingo Martín Serrano - Josefa de Herrera
Matías Martín - Josefa Luján Domínguez
Antonio Martín Serrano - Gertrudis Fresqui
Descendants of Juan Griego and Pascuala Bernal who lived in La Cañada before the Revolt
Juana Bernal - Diego de Morgana
? Antonia de Morgana - Cristóbal Martín
Place of Felipe Morgana unknown
Isabel Bernal and Sebastían González
Juan González Bernal - Apolonia
At least two sons, two daughters
Ana María de la Concepción Bernal - Luis López
Descendants of Domingo López de Ocanto and Juana de Mondragón, who lived in Santa Fé before the Revolt; both of Augustina’s husbands were from Mexico.
María López de Ocanto-Salvador Romero
Augustina Romero - Mateo Márquez 1702/Miguel Tenorio de Alba 1708
Notes: Caxa means lame. Caza means hunt.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Enbright, Malcolm and Rick Hendricks. The Witches of Abiquiu, 2006; discusses Antonia Luján.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Velázquez de la Cadena, Pedro. List of families going to New Mexico, 4 September 1693, reprinted in To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995, edited by John L Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge.
Blindness was a pervasive problem, sometimes caused by aging, sometimes by accidents, sometimes from birth, and sometimes as a consequence of small pox or syphilis. Not only was Felipe Moraga having problems, but Cristóbal Martín, the husband of Antonia de Moraga, was losing his sight when he was in his late 40s. Cristóbal’s second cousin, Francisco Martín was already blind.
Three of the colonists recruited in Mexico City had lost the sight of one eye: Juana de Ávalos,
Francisco de Porras, and Diego Márquez de Ayala. She was 30 years old in 1693, the men were 40 and 19. The interpreter who accompanied Diego de Vargas to Santa Fé, Augustín de Salazar, also was blind.
The perceived cause of Felipe Moraga’s blindness was witchcraft done by Cristóbal el Caxa at the behest of Morgana’s wife, Catarina Varela.
The nature of the illnesses of the two women cured by Juan is never mentioned. The perceived cause is witchcraft done by Michaela when the two visited the pueblo.
Leonor Domínguez suffered some kind of convulsion in church, followed by physical collapse. She remembered someone had touched her back. She came to think she had been bewitched by contact with Catarina Rosa.
Antonia Luján said Francisca Caza offered her a potion made from powder stored in a shell. After she refused, she began to feel "grave pains." Antonia came to believe she had been bewitched.
Once Spaniards recognized witchcraft as the source for their medical problems, they all followed the solution used by the friars treating Charles II. They looked for a more powerful demon to overcome the work of the previous demon.
Leonor Domínguez was the exception. She was unhappy over rumors her husband was unfaithful. She tried to express her concerns in the available languages of witchcraft and of the new civil order. To the second, she called it a matter of "criminal intimacy," implying it was the kind that could threaten the welfare of the settlement.
She said she didn’t know if the women she accused were sorcerers. She probably came to that conclusion after listening to her in-laws. Everyone mentioned in the surviving records who sought help at San Juan was related to her husband.
Antonia de Moraga was married to her husband’s great-uncle, Cristóbal Martín. Her relationship with Felipe Morgana isn’t mentioned by Angélico Chávez, but the name was only introduced once into the colony.
The immigrant ancestor, Diego Morgana, was married to Juana Bernal, the sister of Isabel Bernal. Isabel was the great-grandmother of her friend, Ana María de la Concepción Bernal.
Antonia Luján was a cousin of Leonor’s husband.
The details in Leonor’s depositions probably came from family gossip. She thought Ana María was at San Juan with María and Augustina. Instead, she was probably the one who told her about it.
The language of witchcraft wasn’t natural to her. Like Augustina Romero, her family roots lay elsewhere. She had to learn about witchcraft from the Bernals and Martín Serranos.
Family Relationships:
Sons of Hernán Martín Serrano who lived in La Cañada before the Revolt
Hernán Martín Serrano II - María Montaño
Cristóbal Martín - Antonia de Moraga
María Martín - Manuel Antonio Domínguez
Simón Martín - Petrona Domínguez
Luis Martín Serrano - Catalina de Salazar
Pedro Martín Serrano de Salazar - Juana de Argüello
Miguel Martín - Leonor Domínguez
Sebastían Martín - María Luján
Francisco Martín - Casilda Contreras
Juana Martín - Felipe Arratia
María Martín - Antonio Luján
Antonia Luján - Mateo de Ortega
Domingo Martín Serrano - Josefa de Herrera
Matías Martín - Josefa Luján Domínguez
Antonio Martín Serrano - Gertrudis Fresqui
Descendants of Juan Griego and Pascuala Bernal who lived in La Cañada before the Revolt
Juana Bernal - Diego de Morgana
? Antonia de Morgana - Cristóbal Martín
Place of Felipe Morgana unknown
Isabel Bernal and Sebastían González
Juan González Bernal - Apolonia
At least two sons, two daughters
Ana María de la Concepción Bernal - Luis López
Descendants of Domingo López de Ocanto and Juana de Mondragón, who lived in Santa Fé before the Revolt; both of Augustina’s husbands were from Mexico.
María López de Ocanto-Salvador Romero
Augustina Romero - Mateo Márquez 1702/Miguel Tenorio de Alba 1708
Notes: Caxa means lame. Caza means hunt.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Enbright, Malcolm and Rick Hendricks. The Witches of Abiquiu, 2006; discusses Antonia Luján.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Velázquez de la Cadena, Pedro. List of families going to New Mexico, 4 September 1693, reprinted in To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995, edited by John L Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge.
Sunday, April 19, 2015
Santa Cruz Medicine
In the early years after the Reconquest, Santa Cruz lacked the skills it needed to maintain Spanish medical culture.
No midwives were mentioned in the lists of Mexico City colonists, and there may have been none. Two women died in childbirth on the journey north: María López de Arteaga, wife of Manuel Vallejo González, and María Antonia Chirinos, wife of Juan Manuel Martínez de Cervantes.
In Spain, when the imbalance between blood and the other three humors was serious, a barber was engaged to bleed the person. One barber had come with the group from Mexico City, Nicolás Moreno Trujillo, but he returned south in 1705. Angélico Chávez said another, Antonio Durán de Armijo, came from Zacatecas. He lived in Santa Fé.
By 1715, Francisco Xavier Romero was working in Santa Cruz as a barber. When he came from Mexico City, he listed himself as a baker and miller. Chávez identified him as a shoemaker.
When one of the other humors was deemed the problem, the body was purged with a herbal emetic.
There probably were no herbalists. The abilities to identify and remember plants can be transferred, but not the lore. The first summer in Santa Cruz, men complained "poisonous herbs" were killing their stock.
Records of pueblo medical practice in 1700 probably do not exist. If members had been reticent before the trial of 47 medicine men in 1675, they would have been mute after the Reconquest. Popé had been one of those tried and freed.
A few reports have survived that describe medical relations between San Juan and its neighbors.
In 1704, Felipe Morgana filed a complaint against Juan Chiyo for failing to cure his blindness.
In 1708, Leonor Domínguez reported Augustina Romero, María Luján and Ana María de la Concepción Bernal had been bewitched. She said the healer was Juanchillo. He said he had treated the first two with beneficial herbs.
In the same deposition, Leonor said she had been bewitched, but she did not seek help from a native healer.
In 1715, Antonia Luján claimed Francisca Caza had bewitched her when she refused to drink a potion she had been offered to improve her lot. Soon after, she began to suffer pain. She paid the woman to cure her, but didn’t get well. She then paid another native woman to cure her with an herb from Galisteo. When that failed, she complained to the Santa Fé alcalde. He only took up the case when she added she believed her husband was seeing Caza.
In two cases, the herbal healer was the same man. Leonor identified him as Juanchillo, a carpenter and herbal healer. His wife was listed in one place as Chepa, and another as Josefa. Felipe Morgana called him Juan Chiyo. Tracy Brown identified him as "Juan el carpentero."
The one who dealt in potions, Francisca Caza, was from San Juan, but lived in Santa Fé. Her husband, Francisco Cuervo, was a Jumano Indian, perhaps from the Salinas area.
In the case mentioned in the posting for 25 March 2005, Ines de Aspeitia used a charm, not a herbal potion. She was described as a native of Mexico City and "dark skinned" in 1693.
Notes:
Angulo, José de Angulo. List of colonists from Mexico City, 7 September 1693, in Kessell.
Brown, Tracy L. Pueblo Indians and Spanish Colonial Authority, 2013.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition; discusses Felipe Morgana.
Enbright, Malcolm and Rick Hendricks. The Witches of Abiquiu, 2006; discusses Antonia Luján.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 1914; volume 1 has the 1696 request to move because of poisonous herbs; volume 2 discusses Leonor Domínguez and Augustina Romero.
Velázquez de la Cadena, Pedro. List of families going to New Mexico, 4 September 1693, in Kessell.
No midwives were mentioned in the lists of Mexico City colonists, and there may have been none. Two women died in childbirth on the journey north: María López de Arteaga, wife of Manuel Vallejo González, and María Antonia Chirinos, wife of Juan Manuel Martínez de Cervantes.
In Spain, when the imbalance between blood and the other three humors was serious, a barber was engaged to bleed the person. One barber had come with the group from Mexico City, Nicolás Moreno Trujillo, but he returned south in 1705. Angélico Chávez said another, Antonio Durán de Armijo, came from Zacatecas. He lived in Santa Fé.
By 1715, Francisco Xavier Romero was working in Santa Cruz as a barber. When he came from Mexico City, he listed himself as a baker and miller. Chávez identified him as a shoemaker.
When one of the other humors was deemed the problem, the body was purged with a herbal emetic.
There probably were no herbalists. The abilities to identify and remember plants can be transferred, but not the lore. The first summer in Santa Cruz, men complained "poisonous herbs" were killing their stock.
Records of pueblo medical practice in 1700 probably do not exist. If members had been reticent before the trial of 47 medicine men in 1675, they would have been mute after the Reconquest. Popé had been one of those tried and freed.
A few reports have survived that describe medical relations between San Juan and its neighbors.
In 1704, Felipe Morgana filed a complaint against Juan Chiyo for failing to cure his blindness.
In 1708, Leonor Domínguez reported Augustina Romero, María Luján and Ana María de la Concepción Bernal had been bewitched. She said the healer was Juanchillo. He said he had treated the first two with beneficial herbs.
In the same deposition, Leonor said she had been bewitched, but she did not seek help from a native healer.
In 1715, Antonia Luján claimed Francisca Caza had bewitched her when she refused to drink a potion she had been offered to improve her lot. Soon after, she began to suffer pain. She paid the woman to cure her, but didn’t get well. She then paid another native woman to cure her with an herb from Galisteo. When that failed, she complained to the Santa Fé alcalde. He only took up the case when she added she believed her husband was seeing Caza.
In two cases, the herbal healer was the same man. Leonor identified him as Juanchillo, a carpenter and herbal healer. His wife was listed in one place as Chepa, and another as Josefa. Felipe Morgana called him Juan Chiyo. Tracy Brown identified him as "Juan el carpentero."
The one who dealt in potions, Francisca Caza, was from San Juan, but lived in Santa Fé. Her husband, Francisco Cuervo, was a Jumano Indian, perhaps from the Salinas area.
In the case mentioned in the posting for 25 March 2005, Ines de Aspeitia used a charm, not a herbal potion. She was described as a native of Mexico City and "dark skinned" in 1693.
Notes:
Angulo, José de Angulo. List of colonists from Mexico City, 7 September 1693, in Kessell.
Brown, Tracy L. Pueblo Indians and Spanish Colonial Authority, 2013.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition; discusses Felipe Morgana.
Enbright, Malcolm and Rick Hendricks. The Witches of Abiquiu, 2006; discusses Antonia Luján.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 1914; volume 1 has the 1696 request to move because of poisonous herbs; volume 2 discusses Leonor Domínguez and Augustina Romero.
Velázquez de la Cadena, Pedro. List of families going to New Mexico, 4 September 1693, in Kessell.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)