Slavery is an economic transaction. It requires at least one merchant, some customers, and rules for doing business.
Españoles had relied on native and captive labor before the Pueblo Revolt of 1690. Diego de Vargas legitimized its reintroduction in 1694 when he gave 342 captive Cochití women and children to settlers and soldiers.
The business relationship between buyers and the providers of captives became asymmetric. Sellers had an unlimited supply of valuable captives, but Nuevo México had little of value to offer in return. In the east, English and French traders imported metal tools and utensils, but Spanish goods were scarce and deemed inferior.
When the French ran short of inventory, the more ingenious began fabricating desirable items. To encourage native conversions, northern Jesuits had given away brass finger-rings embossed with symbolic letters or the Mexican bleeding heart. After they became valued, the rings were taken over as trade goods by the coureurs. Judith Hauser hasn’t found references to where they were manufactured, but thinks the cruder ones used in the fur trade after 1700 must have been made in home workshops.
Charles Town merchants converted guns into currency. In 1700, a native near Mobile Bay told Charles Levasseur, an aide to Henri Tonti, "men take the women and children away and sell them to the English, each person being traded for a gun." Thomas Nairne discovered a higher exchange rate in 1708: Chickasaw and Talapoosie claimed they received "‘a Gun, ammunition, horse, hatchet, and suit of Cloathes’ for just one slave - a whole year’s worth of deerskins."
Nuevo México refused to trade weapons, partly for religious reasons, partly from memories of the Revolt. In 1696, Plains Apaches came to San Juan to sell Ute women and children. No notice was made if other Shoshone speakers were among the captives. Gerald Betty didn’t report what they took in exchange, but in July of that year de Vargas acted to stop colonists from selling arms to natives in July. In October, he gave 84 women and children to soldiers.
De Vargas unintentionally created the substitute exchange medium when he confiscated horses from the pueblos. To regain their livestock, natives raided and traded. Settlers from Taos began visiting Apache villages to trade "two or three horses for a captive boy or girl." In 1703 he prohibited such activities, but two years later his successor, Francisco Cuervo, issued a new set of bans.
The complaints to de Vargas and Cuervo didn’t come from the friars, but from the cabildo in Santa Fé. This implied they were more concerned with the potential development of a competing trade center, than with the ethics of the business. Unlike, the English and the French, Nuevo México didn’t develop a true merchant class that could have organized the trade to the benefit of all.
The closest the city had was a captive reared in the same northern trading culture as many of the coureurs. Jean l’Archevêque was born in Bayonne, France, in 1672 to a Huguenot family that had moved there when his grandfather converted to Roman Catholicism in the 1650s. Jean’s parents subsequently moved to Saint Dominique on the western side of Hispañola.
A French pirate, Jean le Vasseur, had established a Huguenot colony on Tortuga, a small island off Hispañola’s northwest coast in 1640. The Spanish ousted them, but Bertrand d’Ogeron retook control and moved onto the main island where he encouraged tobacco plantations. Saint-Dominique was just converting to sugarcane when La Salle’s flotilla of colonists landed at the port of Petit-Goâve.
At some time, l’Archevêque was apprenticed to Pierre Duhaut. Sources disagree if the merchant was already on the island, or arrived with La Salle. The boy, just shy of twelve years of age, joined the expedition. When disaster follower disaster, Duhaut murdered La Salle in 1687 by using the lad as a decoy.
After he was allowed to retire from the presidio, probably in 1714 when he joined the council of war, l’Archevêque became a merchant banker importing goods from México.
Notes:
Axtell, James. The Indians’ New South, 1997.
Betty, Gerald. Comanche Society, 2002; quotation on Taos transaction.
Cabildo de Santa Fé. Petition, complaining about sale of horses, 26 November 1703; petition, relative to bartering with the Apache, 1 June 1705; in Twitchell.
Cuervo y Valdés, Francisco. Decree, relative to bartering with the Apaches, 1 June 1705; in Twitchell.
De Vargas, Diego. Bando, prohibiting sale of arms, 31 May 1696; bando, prohibiting soldiers from gambling for their horses, 3 November 1703; decree, regarding sale of horses, 26 November 1703; in Twitchell.
Hauser, Judith Ann. Jesuit Rings from Fort Michimackinac and Other European Contact Sites, 1982.
Lafleur, Gérard and Lucien Abénon. "The Protestants and the Colonization of the French West Indies," in Bertrand Van Ruymbeke and Randy J. Sparks, Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora, 2003.
Levasseur, Charles. Voyage de M. de Sauvole, 1701, translated by Vernon J. Knight, Junior, and Sherée L. Adams in "A Voyage to the Mobile and Tomeh in 1700, with Notes on the Interior of Alabama," Ethnohistory 28:179-194:1981; quote by Axtell.
Nairne, Thomas. Nairne’s Muskhogean Journals, edited by Alexander Moore, 1988; quoted by Axtell.
Páez Hurtado, Juan. Letter, relative to bartering with Apache, 1 June 1705; in Twitchell.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Weddle, Robert S. The Wreck of the Belle, the Ruin of La Salle, 2001; thinks Duhaut was with La Salle.
Wikipedia. "Jean l'Archevêque;" thinks Duhaut was in Saint-Dominique.
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 1-5. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 1-5. Show all posts
Tuesday, July 07, 2015
Sunday, June 28, 2015
Bourbon Reviews
Perhaps the most obvious change in Bourbon management of Nuevo México flowed from its objective view of reality. Decisions no longer depended on faith in individuals. Reports were examined for factual integrity. The viceroy took advantage of safer travel to send investigators to verify what he was sent.
The first was the juez de residencia sent to sift through the opposing charges made by Juan Flores Mogollón and Félix Martínez in 1721. Little is known about Juan Estrada de Austria, who also served as interim governor. I suspect an early historian confused Austria with Asturias and the mistake has hindered research ever since.
An invisitador general followed Estrada in 1722. Antonio Cobián Busto found the presidio poorly defended and evidence of illegal trade with Louisiana.
The military was next to initiate a fact finding tour. Pedro de Rivera Villalón visited 23 garrisoned towns between 1724 and 1728. He was particularly critical of graft that inflated the cost of defense. In 1726 he noted Juan Bustamante had increased the number of positions in the garrison that drew from the treasury. He believed twenty could be cut.
Rivera also found governors and capitanes overcharged soldiers for their equipment. If fixed
prices were established, he believed salaries could be cut by 10% and soldiers would still have more money.
The fourth investigation was conducted by the bishop of Durango in 1730. Benito Crespo y Monroy criticized local Franciscans. There were 30 positions, but only 24 were filled. He found the priests didn’t bother to learn native languages, didn’t administer sacraments, and didn’t collect or expend tithes properly.
Among those he accused of neglect were Juan de la Cruz of San Juan and Manuel Sopeña of Santa Clara. The governors of those two pueblos weren’t among the ones listed as speaking Castilian in 1706 by Francisco Cuervo. Of those from San Juan called in the Leonor Domínguez trial in 1708, Catarina Rosa, Catarina Luján and Juan understood Castilian, Angelina Pumazjo did not.
Language had become a political issue. Philip V realized a government wasn’t effective if it couldn’t communicate with its people. In 1713, he commissioned the Real Academia Española to standardize the Castilian language much like the Académie Française had done in France in 1635.
Successful alliances with Native Americans had become a matter of realpolitiks. The French Jesuits were considered more successful than the Franciscans because their priests became fluent in native languages. Franciscans had responded to criticisms in 1683 with the Santa Cruz missionary college at Querétaro to train friars. However, John Kessell says, it began as a haven for Spanish retirees, especially from Majorca.
Settlers had learned to exploit the status quo. When Cobián asked why the area was so unsettled, they said the bárbaros were dangerous, there weren’t enough settlers, and poverty was great. They meant, send us more soldiers, settlers, and free supplies.
They protested the cuts Rivera proposed because that extra money ended in the pockets of merchants and creditors. No doubt some were the ones buying those purloined horses.
The response to Crespo was conditioned by individual contacts with pueblos. Sebastían Martín, Alonso Rael de Aguilar, and Antonio de Ulibarrí needed them to supply auxiliaries. Since that was a role pueblos accepted, they were friendly and may have conducted negotiations in Castilian.
The men who criticized the friars were ones who had administrative responsibilities. Pueblo members were probably suspicious of them, and unwilling to engage in Castilian. Critic Diego de Torres was the teniente de alcalde mayor of Santa Clara. Juan Páez Hurtado was the one who took over the governorship in 1716 when Valverde was recalled to Mexico City.
The only man from Santa Cruz who supported the friars because he was close to them was Tomás Núñez de Haro.
Notes:
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Kessell, John L. Spain in the Southwest, 2002.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, included in Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
The first was the juez de residencia sent to sift through the opposing charges made by Juan Flores Mogollón and Félix Martínez in 1721. Little is known about Juan Estrada de Austria, who also served as interim governor. I suspect an early historian confused Austria with Asturias and the mistake has hindered research ever since.
An invisitador general followed Estrada in 1722. Antonio Cobián Busto found the presidio poorly defended and evidence of illegal trade with Louisiana.
The military was next to initiate a fact finding tour. Pedro de Rivera Villalón visited 23 garrisoned towns between 1724 and 1728. He was particularly critical of graft that inflated the cost of defense. In 1726 he noted Juan Bustamante had increased the number of positions in the garrison that drew from the treasury. He believed twenty could be cut.
Rivera also found governors and capitanes overcharged soldiers for their equipment. If fixed
prices were established, he believed salaries could be cut by 10% and soldiers would still have more money.
The fourth investigation was conducted by the bishop of Durango in 1730. Benito Crespo y Monroy criticized local Franciscans. There were 30 positions, but only 24 were filled. He found the priests didn’t bother to learn native languages, didn’t administer sacraments, and didn’t collect or expend tithes properly.
Among those he accused of neglect were Juan de la Cruz of San Juan and Manuel Sopeña of Santa Clara. The governors of those two pueblos weren’t among the ones listed as speaking Castilian in 1706 by Francisco Cuervo. Of those from San Juan called in the Leonor Domínguez trial in 1708, Catarina Rosa, Catarina Luján and Juan understood Castilian, Angelina Pumazjo did not.
Language had become a political issue. Philip V realized a government wasn’t effective if it couldn’t communicate with its people. In 1713, he commissioned the Real Academia Española to standardize the Castilian language much like the Académie Française had done in France in 1635.
Successful alliances with Native Americans had become a matter of realpolitiks. The French Jesuits were considered more successful than the Franciscans because their priests became fluent in native languages. Franciscans had responded to criticisms in 1683 with the Santa Cruz missionary college at Querétaro to train friars. However, John Kessell says, it began as a haven for Spanish retirees, especially from Majorca.
Settlers had learned to exploit the status quo. When Cobián asked why the area was so unsettled, they said the bárbaros were dangerous, there weren’t enough settlers, and poverty was great. They meant, send us more soldiers, settlers, and free supplies.
They protested the cuts Rivera proposed because that extra money ended in the pockets of merchants and creditors. No doubt some were the ones buying those purloined horses.
The response to Crespo was conditioned by individual contacts with pueblos. Sebastían Martín, Alonso Rael de Aguilar, and Antonio de Ulibarrí needed them to supply auxiliaries. Since that was a role pueblos accepted, they were friendly and may have conducted negotiations in Castilian.
The men who criticized the friars were ones who had administrative responsibilities. Pueblo members were probably suspicious of them, and unwilling to engage in Castilian. Critic Diego de Torres was the teniente de alcalde mayor of Santa Clara. Juan Páez Hurtado was the one who took over the governorship in 1716 when Valverde was recalled to Mexico City.
The only man from Santa Cruz who supported the friars because he was close to them was Tomás Núñez de Haro.
Notes:
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Kessell, John L. Spain in the Southwest, 2002.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, included in Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914.
Thursday, June 25, 2015
Bourbon Reforms
Philip V inherited a Spanish civil service enfeebled by predecessors who used payments from sales of positions to finance their wars. The men he chose as viceroys in Mexico City were men he’d learned to trust during the War of Spanish Succession. Baltasar de Zúñiga y Guzman had been viceroy of Sardinia between 1704 and 1707, Juan de Acuña had been governor of Messina in Sicily between 1701 and 1713.
Since the rein of Philip II, the monarchy had looked for ways to share benefits that accrued to men in its service. Notaries were the first group required to pay for the privilege of charging set fees for filing government paperwork. When few were willing to bid, Philip made them permanent positions that could be resold in 1581, so long as the crown received a third of the value and the buyers were competent. Santa Cruz friars didn’t maintain their own notaries, but used public ones for diligencias matrimoniales.
In 1606, Philip III expanded the right of resale to members of cabildos with no competency requirement. As many have observed, accurate paperwork was important to the Hapsburgs, but they didn’t want local governments to be have independent powers.
Judicial offices were not sellable, until Charles II began using a subterfuge in the 1670s. John Parry said, there’s no record of governorship sales for Nuevo México before the Revolt. Philip ended the practice in 1713. José Chacón was the last governor appointed under the old system.
While Philip tried to reform his administration, he couldn’t solve the underlying problem that plagued it. There wasn’t enough money to pay adequate salaries. Men at every level were forced to augment their income.
Nuevo México was too poor for simple embezzlement by its governors in these years. Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón was found guilt of malfeasance. Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna sold Ute slaves, but was removed over irregularities in presidio accounts. Antonio Valverde y Cosío established large land holdings near El Paso del Norte that he worked with Apache slaves captured during his military campaigns. His nephew and son-in-law, Juan Domingo de Bustamante, was found guilty of illegal trade.
The men appointed as governors were sometimes men who had spent years in the colonial bureaucracy. Flores had come from Seville. His previous assignment was the governorship of Nuevo León y Coahuila. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, the man who replaced Bustamante, was the grandson of a Philippine governor. He began his career working for the bishop de Durango.
Philip didn’t attempt to reorganize the Spanish military until 1717. Then he limited his changes to Havana. Presidio soldiers were still paid as they had been when enlisted men were expected to support themselves from spoils of war. Valverde had to issue orders in 1718 prohibiting soldiers from selling horses from the royal herd.
He was a Cantabrian businessman who migrated to oversee his interests. De Vargas recruited him and Martínez in Zacatecas. The latter was from Valencia.
Notes: Sales of lesser offices continued until 1812. Governorships were occasionally sold later to support war efforts, according to Eissa-Barroso, but the practice was rare and short-lived each time.
Chartrand, Rene. The Spanish Army in North America 1700-1793, 2011.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "‘Having Served in the Troops’: The Appointment of Military Officers as Provincial Governors in Early Eighteenth-Century Spanish America, 1700-1746," Colonial Latin American Historical Review 1:329-359:2013.
Parry, J. H. The Sale of Public Office in the Spanish Indies under the Hapsburgs, 1953.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Order, 17 July 1718, described in Frederic J. Athearn, A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978.
Since the rein of Philip II, the monarchy had looked for ways to share benefits that accrued to men in its service. Notaries were the first group required to pay for the privilege of charging set fees for filing government paperwork. When few were willing to bid, Philip made them permanent positions that could be resold in 1581, so long as the crown received a third of the value and the buyers were competent. Santa Cruz friars didn’t maintain their own notaries, but used public ones for diligencias matrimoniales.
In 1606, Philip III expanded the right of resale to members of cabildos with no competency requirement. As many have observed, accurate paperwork was important to the Hapsburgs, but they didn’t want local governments to be have independent powers.
Judicial offices were not sellable, until Charles II began using a subterfuge in the 1670s. John Parry said, there’s no record of governorship sales for Nuevo México before the Revolt. Philip ended the practice in 1713. José Chacón was the last governor appointed under the old system.
While Philip tried to reform his administration, he couldn’t solve the underlying problem that plagued it. There wasn’t enough money to pay adequate salaries. Men at every level were forced to augment their income.
Nuevo México was too poor for simple embezzlement by its governors in these years. Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón was found guilt of malfeasance. Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna sold Ute slaves, but was removed over irregularities in presidio accounts. Antonio Valverde y Cosío established large land holdings near El Paso del Norte that he worked with Apache slaves captured during his military campaigns. His nephew and son-in-law, Juan Domingo de Bustamante, was found guilty of illegal trade.
The men appointed as governors were sometimes men who had spent years in the colonial bureaucracy. Flores had come from Seville. His previous assignment was the governorship of Nuevo León y Coahuila. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, the man who replaced Bustamante, was the grandson of a Philippine governor. He began his career working for the bishop de Durango.
Philip didn’t attempt to reorganize the Spanish military until 1717. Then he limited his changes to Havana. Presidio soldiers were still paid as they had been when enlisted men were expected to support themselves from spoils of war. Valverde had to issue orders in 1718 prohibiting soldiers from selling horses from the royal herd.
He was a Cantabrian businessman who migrated to oversee his interests. De Vargas recruited him and Martínez in Zacatecas. The latter was from Valencia.
Notes: Sales of lesser offices continued until 1812. Governorships were occasionally sold later to support war efforts, according to Eissa-Barroso, but the practice was rare and short-lived each time.
Chartrand, Rene. The Spanish Army in North America 1700-1793, 2011.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "‘Having Served in the Troops’: The Appointment of Military Officers as Provincial Governors in Early Eighteenth-Century Spanish America, 1700-1746," Colonial Latin American Historical Review 1:329-359:2013.
Parry, J. H. The Sale of Public Office in the Spanish Indies under the Hapsburgs, 1953.
Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Order, 17 July 1718, described in Frederic J. Athearn, A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978.
Tuesday, June 23, 2015
Communications
México’s economic role as supplier of European currency waned when silver production declined under Charles II. At same time, the English in the Caribbean began growing sugar cane.
The calculus of shipping, trade and wealth was altered. During the boom, Spain had sent one fleet a year to México to pick up silver and leave provisions. By the end of the 1600s, departures were less predictable because there was no profit in an empty return load.
Meantime, Dutch ships were servicing the sugar colonies. When the number of export trips increased, so did the number of goods imported into the islands. The English responded by passing laws to monopolize shipping to its colonies. French colonies planted sugar cane. Carolina traders turned southeastern Native Americans into a Caribbean labor resource. Madrid worried about its king’s likely successor.
When communication with México slowed, so did the ability of Madrid to manage its Empire. In 1718, the new Spanish king, Philip V, tried to remedy the problem by ordering mail ships leave for the Indies four times a year. Men with the mail contract resisted, because they still saw no profits.
Communication within the kingdom of New Spain improved some. There were more mining towns along the camino real so the distance to the interior through hostile territory was shorter. El Paso del Norte had become a mission. Natives in its immediate area were less likely to attack.
Conditions still weren’t ideal. Nothing had changed the currents and winds that took two to three months to move sailing ships across the Atlantic. Even so, in 1724, the governor of Nuevo México was notified about the king’s January abdication before 23 September. If the news left with the late March aviso, and took three months to cross, it reached Veracruz in late June. Three months from there to Santa Fé, eight months total.
Of course, by the time the governor issued his proclamation, the new king was dead from smallpox. It took longer for the news of Philip’s reascension to reach the colony: ten months.
Inland communication within Native American groups was quicker, but often second hand. Every band knew white men were trading guns for slaves, but few were sure of differences between the French and English.
Information sent by bands to the governor had to be treated with the same caution as news that arrived in Mexico City from English or French ships in the Caribbean. Both may have been more timely, but motives needed to be evaluated. Plains bands gave the French false information to prevent them from meeting with their enemies. Jicarilla may have exaggerated threats to get protection from the Spanish. Valverde exaggerated the French threat to get more help from Mexico City.
Notes: For more on development of sugarcane, see the posts under Barbados at right.
Kuethe, Allan J. and Kenneth J. Andrien. The Spanish Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century, 2014.
Lamikiz, Xabier. Trade and Trust in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World, 2013.
Marx, Robert F. Shipwrecks in the Americas, 1987.
Pearce, Adrian J. The Origins of Bourbon Reform in Spanish South America, 1700-1763, 2014.
The calculus of shipping, trade and wealth was altered. During the boom, Spain had sent one fleet a year to México to pick up silver and leave provisions. By the end of the 1600s, departures were less predictable because there was no profit in an empty return load.
Meantime, Dutch ships were servicing the sugar colonies. When the number of export trips increased, so did the number of goods imported into the islands. The English responded by passing laws to monopolize shipping to its colonies. French colonies planted sugar cane. Carolina traders turned southeastern Native Americans into a Caribbean labor resource. Madrid worried about its king’s likely successor.
When communication with México slowed, so did the ability of Madrid to manage its Empire. In 1718, the new Spanish king, Philip V, tried to remedy the problem by ordering mail ships leave for the Indies four times a year. Men with the mail contract resisted, because they still saw no profits.
Communication within the kingdom of New Spain improved some. There were more mining towns along the camino real so the distance to the interior through hostile territory was shorter. El Paso del Norte had become a mission. Natives in its immediate area were less likely to attack.
Conditions still weren’t ideal. Nothing had changed the currents and winds that took two to three months to move sailing ships across the Atlantic. Even so, in 1724, the governor of Nuevo México was notified about the king’s January abdication before 23 September. If the news left with the late March aviso, and took three months to cross, it reached Veracruz in late June. Three months from there to Santa Fé, eight months total.
Of course, by the time the governor issued his proclamation, the new king was dead from smallpox. It took longer for the news of Philip’s reascension to reach the colony: ten months.
Inland communication within Native American groups was quicker, but often second hand. Every band knew white men were trading guns for slaves, but few were sure of differences between the French and English.
Information sent by bands to the governor had to be treated with the same caution as news that arrived in Mexico City from English or French ships in the Caribbean. Both may have been more timely, but motives needed to be evaluated. Plains bands gave the French false information to prevent them from meeting with their enemies. Jicarilla may have exaggerated threats to get protection from the Spanish. Valverde exaggerated the French threat to get more help from Mexico City.
Notes: For more on development of sugarcane, see the posts under Barbados at right.
Kuethe, Allan J. and Kenneth J. Andrien. The Spanish Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century, 2014.
Lamikiz, Xabier. Trade and Trust in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World, 2013.
Marx, Robert F. Shipwrecks in the Americas, 1987.
Pearce, Adrian J. The Origins of Bourbon Reform in Spanish South America, 1700-1763, 2014.
Thursday, June 18, 2015
1714-1732
Santa Cruz Leaders
Red are the monarchs of Spain
Bold are the viceroys of New Spain
Regular type are the governors of New Mexico
Alcaldes and notaries in Santa Cruz are listed at the bottom; not enough information exists to establish their tenures
Bourbon Dynasty. Continues to 1724. Philip V
Continues to 1714 War of Spanish Succession
1718-1720 War of the Quadruple Alliance
Continues to 1716. Fernando de Alencastre Noroña y Silva, Duque de Linares
Continues to 1712. Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor
1712-1715. Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón
1715-1716, acting. Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna
1716, acting. Antonio Valverde y Cosío
1716-1722. Baltasar de Zúñiga y Guzman, Marques de Valero y Duque de Arion
1716-1717, acting. Juan Páez Hurtado
1718-1721, interim. Antonio Valverde y Cosío
1721-. Juan Estrada de Austria [Asturias?]
1722-. Juan de Acuña, Marques de Casa Fuerte
Continues to 1723. Juan Estrada de Austria [Asturias?]
1723-. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
Bourbon Dynasty, 1724-1724. Louis I
Continues. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
Bourbon Dynasty, 1724-. Philip V
Continues to 1731. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
1731-. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora
Men Mentioned as Alcaldes in Santa Cruz
1714 Sebastían Martín Serrano
1716 Juan García de la Rivas
Tomás López Holguín
1718 Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
1720 Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
Cristóbal Torres
1724 Cristóbal Torres
Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
1729 Miguel José de la Vega
Notaries
1714-1725 Miguel de Quintana
1722-1730 José de Atienza y Alcalá
1728-1730 José Bernardo Gómez
1718 Francisco Afán de Ribera Betanzos
Ignacio de Roybal
Francisco Monte Vigil
1719 José de Atienza y Alcalá
1727 Simón Martín
Note:
Viceroys from Wallace L. McKeehan, "Viceroys, Commandantes, Governors & Presidents," DeWitt Colony, Texas website.
Monarchs and governors from Wikipedia.
Red are the monarchs of Spain
Bold are the viceroys of New Spain
Regular type are the governors of New Mexico
Alcaldes and notaries in Santa Cruz are listed at the bottom; not enough information exists to establish their tenures
Bourbon Dynasty. Continues to 1724. Philip V
Continues to 1714 War of Spanish Succession
1718-1720 War of the Quadruple Alliance
Continues to 1716. Fernando de Alencastre Noroña y Silva, Duque de Linares
Continues to 1712. Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor
1712-1715. Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón
1715-1716, acting. Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna
1716, acting. Antonio Valverde y Cosío
1716-1722. Baltasar de Zúñiga y Guzman, Marques de Valero y Duque de Arion
1716-1717, acting. Juan Páez Hurtado
1718-1721, interim. Antonio Valverde y Cosío
1721-. Juan Estrada de Austria [Asturias?]
1722-. Juan de Acuña, Marques de Casa Fuerte
Continues to 1723. Juan Estrada de Austria [Asturias?]
1723-. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
Bourbon Dynasty, 1724-1724. Louis I
Continues. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
Bourbon Dynasty, 1724-. Philip V
Continues to 1731. Juan Domingo de Bustamante
1731-. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora
Men Mentioned as Alcaldes in Santa Cruz
1714 Sebastían Martín Serrano
1716 Juan García de la Rivas
Tomás López Holguín
1718 Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
1720 Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
Cristóbal Torres
1724 Cristóbal Torres
Francisco José Bueno de Bohórques y Corcuera
1729 Miguel José de la Vega
Notaries
1714-1725 Miguel de Quintana
1722-1730 José de Atienza y Alcalá
1728-1730 José Bernardo Gómez
1718 Francisco Afán de Ribera Betanzos
Ignacio de Roybal
Francisco Monte Vigil
1719 José de Atienza y Alcalá
1727 Simón Martín
Note:
Viceroys from Wallace L. McKeehan, "Viceroys, Commandantes, Governors & Presidents," DeWitt Colony, Texas website.
Monarchs and governors from Wikipedia.
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