Knowing the age and gender of those sickened by Coronavirus makes it easy to relate New Mexico to national trends. It is not enough information to understand the status of the virus in Rio Arriba county. I understand everyone’s right to privacy, but it would be useful to know something about ethnicity and employment.
For instance, the virus has settled into the Navajo Nation. It’s believed it was introduced at an "an evangelical church rally" on March 7. The first confirmed case of Coronavirus was reported ten days later, March 17. [1]
As of March 30, the number had risen to 128 Navajo, of whom 24 were living in the New Mexico counties of San Juan (15), McKinley (8), and Cibola (1). [2]
I don’t know if these cases have been report to the state of New Mexico. There is no legal requirement for sovereign nations to do so. However, the numbers are close to the county statistics reported by Wikipedia. [3]
No uniformity exists between Native American groups. Some are highly suspicious of their state governments; other are more cooperative. Some have their own medical systems, but others are dependent on the Indian Health Service. The Trump administrations distrusts it, and the response by IHS has been hampered by lack of funding and bureaucratic in-fighting. [4]
Both Santa Clara and Ohkay Owingeh closed their casinos the day the state governor limited public gatherings to ten people, and ordered non-Native casinos to close. That was March 18. [5]
On March 23, the state governor ordered all non-essential businesses to close and people to stay home. [6] The governor of Ohkay Owingeh followed suit. Santa Clara’s governor said he had asked people to stay home two weeks before that, around March 10. [7]
It’s easy to say the Navajo live on the other side of the Continental Divide. No decent roads connect it with Española. Our isolation, or their’s, protects us.
However, the ways it spread among the Navajo reminds us that, no matter how antagonistic different cultural groups have been to each other, the cultures of the southwest share traits that separate them from other parts of the country.
For instance, individuals who attended the ceremony in Chilchinbeto, Arizona, "greeted one another with handshakes and hugs." [8] People in the town in Michigan where I was raised did not touch one another. It was appropriate to say hello when one met friends, but nothing more.
Other traits are nearly universal. One woman told a reporter her elderly mother "still wanted to go to the local Burger King for coffee, where she and her friends gather many weekdays." [9] Such informal gathers are common wherever fast food restaurants tolerate people who linger at tables. I remember hearings about them in Dairy Queens in west Texas in the 1980s.
Sources:
1. Kurtis Lee. "No Running Water. No Electricity. On Navajo Nation, Coronavirus Creates Worry and Confusion as Cases Surge." Los Angeles Times website. 29 March 2020.
2. Justine Lopez. "128 Confirmed Positive COVID-19 Cases on Navajo Nation." KOB-TV website, Albuquerque, New Mexico. 29 March 2020; last updated 30 March 2020.
3. Wikipedia. "2020 Coronavirus Pandemic in New Mexico."
4. Adam Cancryn. "Where Coronavirus Could Find a Refuge: Native American Reservations." Politico website. 28 March 2020. IHS counted 110 cases of Coronavirus nationally, while the number of Navajo was greater than that. The Navajo has a cooperative agreement with the Centers for Disease Control that’s allowed them to draw supplies from the Strategic National Stockpile. New Mexico’s governor took up their case on 30 March, since Arizona is not being proactive toward the epidemic. [10]
5. Austin Fisher. "Casinos Closed, Restaurants and Stores Restricted to Stem Spread of Virus." Rio Grande Sun, Española, New Mexico, website. 19 March 2020; last updated 26 March 2020.
6. Wikipedia.
7. Molly Montgomery. "Northern Governments Brace for Economic Fallout of Pandemic." Rio Grande Sun, Española, New Mexico, website. 26 March 2020.
8. Lee.
9. Lee.
10. Katherine Faulders and Olivia Rubin. "New Mexico’s Governor Warns Tribal Nations Could Be ‘Wiped Out’ by Coronavirus." ABC-TV website. 30 March 2020.
Showing posts with label 01 Naranjo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 01 Naranjo. Show all posts
Thursday, April 02, 2020
Sunday, May 24, 2015
Pueblo War Rituals
Santa Clara and San Juan gained two thing by cooperating with the governors’ requests for auxiliaries. When they reported Navajo incursions, they could summon larger forces than they could mount alone. More importantly, they could continue traditional military practices while appearing to submit.
When they mustered for the Spanish, they were with their own war captains. Within campaigns, they were commanded by pueblo leaders. In 1706, it was Domingo Romero Yaguaque of Tesuque who served as capitán mayor de la guerra. In 1708, Romero and Felipe of Pecos served Juan de Ulibarrí.
Scouts were almost always from the pueblos. Diego de Vargas used José López Naranjo as his lead against the Faraón in the Sandías in 1704. Roque de Madrid used him when they chased the Navajo west the follow year. Ulibarrí used the scout with Jean de l’Archevêque when they ventured onto the plains in 1706. In 1713, Naranjo was capitán mayor against the Navajo.
Warriors continued using their traditional methods. During the 1705 campaign, they scalped the Navajo men. Antonio Álvarez Castrillón said, there were:
"many more deaths that the Indian allies will have carried out among the women and chusma over the distance they covered on top of the mesa. This is their custom, and no matter how much I reproach them, they neither take heed nor pay attention unless Spaniards are present."
Post-battle rituals were maintained, at least until 1712 when José Chacón banned them. Then they continued surreptitiously.
He reported the pueblos: "keep the scalps taken from their enemies, the unfaithful enemies whom they kill in battle, bring them and dance publicly." He speculated on what happened later in the kivas where "they invoke the devil, and in his company and with his advice and suggestion they exhort one thousand errors."
What actually happened in the kivas was probably more subtle that the witchcraft imagined by Juan de la Peña, the Franciscan custodio in 1709, or by Chacón in 1712. The governors only knew they asked pueblo alcaldes to bring specified numbers of men. They had no idea if particular warriors were selected because they were the most experienced or were initiates who needed to prove themselves.
They certainly had no idea if there were any kinship or other special relationships between the men. Commanders only recorded the numbers from each pueblo on the muster rolls, not names. Sometimes, all that survives in documents is the total number of auxiliaries, or a mere acknowledgment they were present.
In 1706, Juan Álvarez estimated there were about 210 "Christian persons, large and small" at Santa Clara and 340 at San Juan. If one assumes 30% of the male population was the right age, and only 40% of the population was male after the battles of the Reconquest, there would still have been 25 available men at the one and 40 at the other. In 1704, Santa Clara’s quota, including war captains, was five, and San Juan’s six.
Commanders knew pueblo warriors painted themselves and wore feathers when they went into battle. Soldiers and settlers camped separately from auxiliaries. They had no idea what occurred before battles when men from different pueblos prepared themselves.
Cuervo believed the auxiliaries were "satisfied with the useful spoils of war." He didn’t recognize traditional male roles, social groups, and status hierarchies were being reinforced by opportunities to continue doing what ought to be done - punishing those who had harmed the pueblos - at a time when his regime might have been undermining traditional leaders by overseeing the elections of internal governors and appointing outside alcaldes.
Notes:
Álvarez, Juan [Fray]. Declaration, 12 January 1706, in Bandelier; population numbers.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Bandelier, Adolph F. A. and Fanny R. Bandelier. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Rick Hendricks and John P. Wilson, The Navajos in 1705, 1996; chusma were non-combatants.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966; quotation on scalps from Chacón. Chacón described "the pueblos," did not specify which ones.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, in Bandalier; quotation from Cuervo.
When they mustered for the Spanish, they were with their own war captains. Within campaigns, they were commanded by pueblo leaders. In 1706, it was Domingo Romero Yaguaque of Tesuque who served as capitán mayor de la guerra. In 1708, Romero and Felipe of Pecos served Juan de Ulibarrí.
Scouts were almost always from the pueblos. Diego de Vargas used José López Naranjo as his lead against the Faraón in the Sandías in 1704. Roque de Madrid used him when they chased the Navajo west the follow year. Ulibarrí used the scout with Jean de l’Archevêque when they ventured onto the plains in 1706. In 1713, Naranjo was capitán mayor against the Navajo.
Warriors continued using their traditional methods. During the 1705 campaign, they scalped the Navajo men. Antonio Álvarez Castrillón said, there were:
"many more deaths that the Indian allies will have carried out among the women and chusma over the distance they covered on top of the mesa. This is their custom, and no matter how much I reproach them, they neither take heed nor pay attention unless Spaniards are present."
Post-battle rituals were maintained, at least until 1712 when José Chacón banned them. Then they continued surreptitiously.
He reported the pueblos: "keep the scalps taken from their enemies, the unfaithful enemies whom they kill in battle, bring them and dance publicly." He speculated on what happened later in the kivas where "they invoke the devil, and in his company and with his advice and suggestion they exhort one thousand errors."
What actually happened in the kivas was probably more subtle that the witchcraft imagined by Juan de la Peña, the Franciscan custodio in 1709, or by Chacón in 1712. The governors only knew they asked pueblo alcaldes to bring specified numbers of men. They had no idea if particular warriors were selected because they were the most experienced or were initiates who needed to prove themselves.
They certainly had no idea if there were any kinship or other special relationships between the men. Commanders only recorded the numbers from each pueblo on the muster rolls, not names. Sometimes, all that survives in documents is the total number of auxiliaries, or a mere acknowledgment they were present.
In 1706, Juan Álvarez estimated there were about 210 "Christian persons, large and small" at Santa Clara and 340 at San Juan. If one assumes 30% of the male population was the right age, and only 40% of the population was male after the battles of the Reconquest, there would still have been 25 available men at the one and 40 at the other. In 1704, Santa Clara’s quota, including war captains, was five, and San Juan’s six.
Commanders knew pueblo warriors painted themselves and wore feathers when they went into battle. Soldiers and settlers camped separately from auxiliaries. They had no idea what occurred before battles when men from different pueblos prepared themselves.
Cuervo believed the auxiliaries were "satisfied with the useful spoils of war." He didn’t recognize traditional male roles, social groups, and status hierarchies were being reinforced by opportunities to continue doing what ought to be done - punishing those who had harmed the pueblos - at a time when his regime might have been undermining traditional leaders by overseeing the elections of internal governors and appointing outside alcaldes.
Notes:
Álvarez, Juan [Fray]. Declaration, 12 January 1706, in Bandelier; population numbers.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, 1889.
Bandelier, Adolph F. A. and Fanny R. Bandelier. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Rick Hendricks and John P. Wilson, The Navajos in 1705, 1996; chusma were non-combatants.
Jones, Oakah L. Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, 1966; quotation on scalps from Chacón. Chacón described "the pueblos," did not specify which ones.
Rael de Aguilar, Alonso. Certification, 10 January 1706, in Bandalier; quotation from Cuervo.
Sunday, January 25, 2015
Bartolomé Sánchez Land Grant
To share information leave a comment or send an email to nasonmcormic@cybermesa.com.
In the past week new road signs have sprung up along county roads and private drives. One that puzzles me is on the way to the post office at the corner of Paseo de Oñate and what I call the Valdez Bridge Road. Officials call it Industrial Park Road on the west side of the intersection and Fairview Lane on the east.
The sign proclaims a boundary for the Bartolomé Sánchez Land Grant. Does anyone know who Sánchez was and when he made his claim?
I found an on-line posting in a geology website from a woman who said she was a descendent of Maria Francisca Sánchez. That woman married Jose Guadalupe Naranjo and moved to Colorado. Sánchez was born about 1830 in this area.
The writer said she had a copy of the grant registration from the early 1900's. I found it listed in the grants adjudicated before 1904 under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that annexed this part of the country to the United States.
It said the original claim had been for 10,000 acres and 4,469 had been allowed.
The next reference I found was to the Bartolo Me Land Grant corporation. It was apparently organized in 1941. A group using the name today says it has 3,300 acres for development in Española and Rio Arriba county.
In the past week new road signs have sprung up along county roads and private drives. One that puzzles me is on the way to the post office at the corner of Paseo de Oñate and what I call the Valdez Bridge Road. Officials call it Industrial Park Road on the west side of the intersection and Fairview Lane on the east.
The sign proclaims a boundary for the Bartolomé Sánchez Land Grant. Does anyone know who Sánchez was and when he made his claim?
I found an on-line posting in a geology website from a woman who said she was a descendent of Maria Francisca Sánchez. That woman married Jose Guadalupe Naranjo and moved to Colorado. Sánchez was born about 1830 in this area.
The writer said she had a copy of the grant registration from the early 1900's. I found it listed in the grants adjudicated before 1904 under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that annexed this part of the country to the United States.
It said the original claim had been for 10,000 acres and 4,469 had been allowed.
The next reference I found was to the Bartolo Me Land Grant corporation. It was apparently organized in 1941. A group using the name today says it has 3,300 acres for development in Española and Rio Arriba county.
Sunday, July 20, 2014
Shadow of the Reconquest - Culture Shocks
Fifteen years in refugee housing in Guadalupe del Norte must have had some effect on people who were wrenched from what at become a relatively cloistered world and thrown into the more cosmopolitan one nearer the silver mines of México.
After Diego de Vargas resettled New Mexico with recruits from Mexico City and Zacatecas, he and the subsequent Bourbon governors introduced more changes.
Fernando Durán y Chaves, the younger, and his wife, Lucía Hurtado de Salas y Trujillo, were the only members of Angélico Chávez’s family to return. The Franciscan historian says after the Reconquest, men in his family were no longer called into political or military matters as they had been. Such institutions had probably become more professionalized under the Bourbon bureaucrats or perhaps they just required men with different ambitions.
The family response seems to have been retreat. Fernando lapsed into senility. In 1712, he physically attacked the alcalde mayor of Albuquerque, Juan González Bas, as a "perro yndio Griego" and "un perro mulato." González Bas was the descendant of Juan Griego who owned the Alameda grant north of his Atrisco grant.
In a similar incident in 1759, the ancien regime protested when José López Naranjo’s grandson, José António Naranjo, was made capitán de gente de guerra, They claimed he was only the commander of Indian troops, not the descendant of a conquistador like themselves. At that time, Chávez says, many of his supporters lived in Chimayó.
Chaves and his wife discouraged their children from mingling with newcomers, especially those from Zacatecas. The one who did, their great-grandson Cristóbal Chaves, had to visit his sister at Laguna to secretly marry a woman from Mexico City. The other descendants were reduced to asking the friars for dispensations to marry cousins because of the "paucity in this Kingdom of blood quality."
One man they would have shunned was Francisco Montes Vigil, the original owner of the Alameda grant. It wasn’t that he was an español. Lucía’s family had had its share of misalliances, especially the marriage of her great-great-grandmother, María de Abendaño, to the bigamous Diego de Vera, a marriage that made her husband her cousin. There was also the more recent involvement of her sister Juana with some Naranjo.
The problem with Vigil was that he represented the new ways seeping north. Chaves was passing on the values of a disenfranchised nobility that had been resisting the power of a centralized government since Juan de Oñate was deposed, while the other was creating a culturally inherited ability to exploit institutional rules, adversity and even subjugation.
Vigil apparently connived with Juan Paéz Hurtado to pad the register of names recruited in Zacatecas and pocket commissions. Historians translating the papers of Vargas say his large family was broken into three units, each presumably paid the 320 peso recruiting fee, minus a kick back. When interrogated later, Vigil admitted he’d enlisted men from gambling halls under false names for Paéz and that Paéz kept 100 pesos for himself.
After he sold the Alameda grant to González Bas, Vigil and his family moved to the villa of Santa Cruz, perhaps because he saw more opportunities in the north, perhaps because it was a less hostile social environment for a restored mestizo raised by a well-connected father in an urban center.
His son, also Juan Montes Vigil, requested land north of the Truchas River in 1754. The land had become available when the alcalde, Juan José Lovato, changed the boundaries of the Truchas Land Grant made to eleven residents from Chimayó and Pueblo Quemado, five Romeros, four Espinosas, Francisco Bernal, and Cristóbal Martín. Vigil was an official witness to that transfer.
This wasn’t the only case of Lovato, the nephew or son of Bartolomé Labota who’d come with Paéz, changing grant boundaries. When Pedro Sánchez couldn’t produce the defining papers for his grant in 1742, Lovato altered the border with San Ildefonso. A Vigil descendant, José Ramón Vigil, bought eight of eleven shares in the grant in 1851 for $20, a yoke of oxen, 36 ewes and one ram.
Francisco, or one of his descendants ended up owning land between that of José López Naranjo and António de Salazar, perhaps after Naranjo died and Vigil survived the Pawnee attack in 1720 or maybe after Naranjo’s only son, José António Naranjo, fled the area in 1731 after killing someone.
No one has said exactly how it happened, only that the land was known as La Vega de los Vigiles when José Ramón’s daughter, Josefita Vigil, married José Benedicto Naranjo. Naranjo sold it to the Denver and Rio Grande, who, in turn, sold some to Frank Bond for his livestock shipping facility.
Benedicto was the great-grandson of José Geronimo Naranjo, the grandson of José López Naranjo. His son, José Alejandrino Naranjo, married Delfinia Vigil. Their son, Emilio Naranjo, was born in Guachupangue, the area abutting the Santa Clara reserve on the north.
Alejandrino had gone to the smelters and mines in Colorado to earn money rather than raise sheep for Bond. He sent his son to secondary school in Santa Fé and college in El Rito. Emilio built the Democratic Party in Rio Arriba county after World War II when Spanish speaking citizens in the area finally felt they were free to vote as they wished.
The railroad, of course, brought men like John Block who married Sofia Vigil Valdez. They adopted Fidel Salazar, the son of José Ramón Salazar and Francisquita de Sales Atencio, to raise as John Block, Junior. José Ramón was 20 years old when he became a father. Sofia was his aunt. Block senior was the prime mover behind building the Santa Cruz dam.
The only men of comparable ambition in the Chaves family were the children of Cristóbal Chaves and María Josefa Núñez. Some migrated to Ceboletta County when the Navajo were removed and others went to Mora County after Fort Union was established to control the Comanche.
Angélico was born to the latter branch. He remembered asking his mother, María Nicolasa Roybal, if any of her family were hermanos. She said "the family had always been such good Catholics that they had no cause for the joining the Penitentes."
When he asked about the family of his father, Fabián Chávez, they had slipped so far she said "Your father’s people were not even good enough Christians to be Penitentes."
Genealogies drawn from various sources:
Naranjo:
Alonso > ? > Domingo/? > José López > José Antonio > José Geronimo > António José > José Manuel > José Benedicto > José Alejandrino > Emilio
Vigil to Naranjo:
Francisco Montes > Francisco Montes > Manuel Gregorio > Nicolás António > José Ramón > Josefita who married José Benedicto Naranjo
Durán y Chaves/Chávez:
Pedro > Fernando > Fernando >António > Tomás > Cristóbal > José Mariano > José Encarnación > José Francisco > Eugenío > Fabián > Angélico
Salazar:
Hernán Martín Serrano > María Martín > María ? > Agustín Salazar > António Salazar > Francisco Miguel Salazar > María Salazar who married Julian Lorenzo Salazar > José Julian Salazar > Juan Francisco Estevan Salazar > Pedro Ignacio Salazar y Valdez > José Eutimio Salazar > José Ramón Salazar > Fidel Salazar/John Block Jr
Vigil to Salazar:
Francisco Montes > Juan Bautista Montes > António José Montes > Joe Dolores > María de la Luz who married Lorenzo Valdez > María del Carmel Valdez who married Juan Francisco Estevan Salazar
Notes:
Bowden J. J. "Ramon Vigil Grant," New Mexico Office of the State Historian website.
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.
_____. My Penitente Land, 1974.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge. A Settling of Accounts: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, 1700-1704, volume 6, 2002.
Shiller, Mark. "The Truchas Grant," available on-line.
After Diego de Vargas resettled New Mexico with recruits from Mexico City and Zacatecas, he and the subsequent Bourbon governors introduced more changes.
Fernando Durán y Chaves, the younger, and his wife, Lucía Hurtado de Salas y Trujillo, were the only members of Angélico Chávez’s family to return. The Franciscan historian says after the Reconquest, men in his family were no longer called into political or military matters as they had been. Such institutions had probably become more professionalized under the Bourbon bureaucrats or perhaps they just required men with different ambitions.
The family response seems to have been retreat. Fernando lapsed into senility. In 1712, he physically attacked the alcalde mayor of Albuquerque, Juan González Bas, as a "perro yndio Griego" and "un perro mulato." González Bas was the descendant of Juan Griego who owned the Alameda grant north of his Atrisco grant.
In a similar incident in 1759, the ancien regime protested when José López Naranjo’s grandson, José António Naranjo, was made capitán de gente de guerra, They claimed he was only the commander of Indian troops, not the descendant of a conquistador like themselves. At that time, Chávez says, many of his supporters lived in Chimayó.
Chaves and his wife discouraged their children from mingling with newcomers, especially those from Zacatecas. The one who did, their great-grandson Cristóbal Chaves, had to visit his sister at Laguna to secretly marry a woman from Mexico City. The other descendants were reduced to asking the friars for dispensations to marry cousins because of the "paucity in this Kingdom of blood quality."
One man they would have shunned was Francisco Montes Vigil, the original owner of the Alameda grant. It wasn’t that he was an español. Lucía’s family had had its share of misalliances, especially the marriage of her great-great-grandmother, María de Abendaño, to the bigamous Diego de Vera, a marriage that made her husband her cousin. There was also the more recent involvement of her sister Juana with some Naranjo.
The problem with Vigil was that he represented the new ways seeping north. Chaves was passing on the values of a disenfranchised nobility that had been resisting the power of a centralized government since Juan de Oñate was deposed, while the other was creating a culturally inherited ability to exploit institutional rules, adversity and even subjugation.
Vigil apparently connived with Juan Paéz Hurtado to pad the register of names recruited in Zacatecas and pocket commissions. Historians translating the papers of Vargas say his large family was broken into three units, each presumably paid the 320 peso recruiting fee, minus a kick back. When interrogated later, Vigil admitted he’d enlisted men from gambling halls under false names for Paéz and that Paéz kept 100 pesos for himself.
After he sold the Alameda grant to González Bas, Vigil and his family moved to the villa of Santa Cruz, perhaps because he saw more opportunities in the north, perhaps because it was a less hostile social environment for a restored mestizo raised by a well-connected father in an urban center.
His son, also Juan Montes Vigil, requested land north of the Truchas River in 1754. The land had become available when the alcalde, Juan José Lovato, changed the boundaries of the Truchas Land Grant made to eleven residents from Chimayó and Pueblo Quemado, five Romeros, four Espinosas, Francisco Bernal, and Cristóbal Martín. Vigil was an official witness to that transfer.
This wasn’t the only case of Lovato, the nephew or son of Bartolomé Labota who’d come with Paéz, changing grant boundaries. When Pedro Sánchez couldn’t produce the defining papers for his grant in 1742, Lovato altered the border with San Ildefonso. A Vigil descendant, José Ramón Vigil, bought eight of eleven shares in the grant in 1851 for $20, a yoke of oxen, 36 ewes and one ram.
Francisco, or one of his descendants ended up owning land between that of José López Naranjo and António de Salazar, perhaps after Naranjo died and Vigil survived the Pawnee attack in 1720 or maybe after Naranjo’s only son, José António Naranjo, fled the area in 1731 after killing someone.
No one has said exactly how it happened, only that the land was known as La Vega de los Vigiles when José Ramón’s daughter, Josefita Vigil, married José Benedicto Naranjo. Naranjo sold it to the Denver and Rio Grande, who, in turn, sold some to Frank Bond for his livestock shipping facility.
Benedicto was the great-grandson of José Geronimo Naranjo, the grandson of José López Naranjo. His son, José Alejandrino Naranjo, married Delfinia Vigil. Their son, Emilio Naranjo, was born in Guachupangue, the area abutting the Santa Clara reserve on the north.
Alejandrino had gone to the smelters and mines in Colorado to earn money rather than raise sheep for Bond. He sent his son to secondary school in Santa Fé and college in El Rito. Emilio built the Democratic Party in Rio Arriba county after World War II when Spanish speaking citizens in the area finally felt they were free to vote as they wished.
The railroad, of course, brought men like John Block who married Sofia Vigil Valdez. They adopted Fidel Salazar, the son of José Ramón Salazar and Francisquita de Sales Atencio, to raise as John Block, Junior. José Ramón was 20 years old when he became a father. Sofia was his aunt. Block senior was the prime mover behind building the Santa Cruz dam.
The only men of comparable ambition in the Chaves family were the children of Cristóbal Chaves and María Josefa Núñez. Some migrated to Ceboletta County when the Navajo were removed and others went to Mora County after Fort Union was established to control the Comanche.
Angélico was born to the latter branch. He remembered asking his mother, María Nicolasa Roybal, if any of her family were hermanos. She said "the family had always been such good Catholics that they had no cause for the joining the Penitentes."
When he asked about the family of his father, Fabián Chávez, they had slipped so far she said "Your father’s people were not even good enough Christians to be Penitentes."
Genealogies drawn from various sources:
Naranjo:
Alonso > ? > Domingo/? > José López > José Antonio > José Geronimo > António José > José Manuel > José Benedicto > José Alejandrino > Emilio
Vigil to Naranjo:
Francisco Montes > Francisco Montes > Manuel Gregorio > Nicolás António > José Ramón > Josefita who married José Benedicto Naranjo
Durán y Chaves/Chávez:
Pedro > Fernando > Fernando >António > Tomás > Cristóbal > José Mariano > José Encarnación > José Francisco > Eugenío > Fabián > Angélico
Salazar:
Hernán Martín Serrano > María Martín > María ? > Agustín Salazar > António Salazar > Francisco Miguel Salazar > María Salazar who married Julian Lorenzo Salazar > José Julian Salazar > Juan Francisco Estevan Salazar > Pedro Ignacio Salazar y Valdez > José Eutimio Salazar > José Ramón Salazar > Fidel Salazar/John Block Jr
Vigil to Salazar:
Francisco Montes > Juan Bautista Montes > António José Montes > Joe Dolores > María de la Luz who married Lorenzo Valdez > María del Carmel Valdez who married Juan Francisco Estevan Salazar
Notes:
Bowden J. J. "Ramon Vigil Grant," New Mexico Office of the State Historian website.
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.
_____. My Penitente Land, 1974.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge. A Settling of Accounts: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, 1700-1704, volume 6, 2002.
Shiller, Mark. "The Truchas Grant," available on-line.
Monday, July 14, 2014
Shadow of the Reconquest - José López Naranjo
José López Naranjo had an even greater need than Agustín de Salazar to prove his loyalty to the authorities if he wanted to remain in the area where he was born. His father, Domingo Naranjo, had been one of the leaders of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 and he’d personally refused to spend the exile in Guadalupe del Norte.
In June of 1696, he established his bona fides when his brother Lucas was leading the Santa Clara resistance to the Spanish. José killed him and brought his head back to Diego de Vargas.
His ancestry is an even greater puzzle than Salazar’s. According to Angélico Chávez, Lucas had the dark complexion of the mulatto Domingo. José did not.
I suspect his ultimate Spanish ancestor was Alonso Naranjo, a native of Valladolid with a "tawny beard," who came north with Bernabé de Las Casas in 1600, with 10 horses and 22 head of cattle. He left no further record, but the name Naranjo migrated into the pueblos, probably through children abandoned to their mothers.
According to Chávez, the mestizo heirs had contentious relations with their pure-blood cousins. Jémez killed Diego Martín Naranjo; San Felipe killed Bartolomé Naranjo in 1680 because they feared he’d betray their planned rebellion; a two-year old, María Naranjo, was kidnaped in 1680. Her mother, Juana Hurtado, also held captive, was the daughter of Andrés Hurtado, the father-in-law of Fernando Durán y Chaves.
Incidentally, that wasn’t the first connection between Chavez’s family and the Naranjos. Fernando’s father, Pedro Durán y Chaves paid Pascual Naranjo to take his place on a military campaign against other Indians. Pascual fled to Guadalupe del Paso with his family and didn’t return.
I suspect one of the women involved with Naranjo or one of their daughters was the one who became involved with a mulatto servant or teamster and gave birth to Domingo. Even today, a woman who has lost her status or sense of self worth may become vulnerable or open to other declassé men.
There’s no reason to think Domingo was involved with only one woman, especially after he acquired power in Santa Clara, nor, for that matter, is there any reason to believe a woman involved with him was monogamous. Lucas and José may have had different mothers or different fathers in one household.
Chávez thinks the name came directly through the father, some mulatto who came north with one of Oñate’s men and associated himself with Naranjo, taking his name. That man then worked as a herder in the area of Santa Clara, where he met the woman who would become Domingo’s mother. He believes the progenitor was part Tlascaltec and versed in Aztec lore.
Whatever the truth, José showed a willingness to destroy Indians on behalf of his Spanish masters. In 1702, he was alcalde mayor of Zuñi and active in subjugating the Hopi. In 1704, he was commanding native scouts in the campaign against the Apache, the one that caused Vargas’s death. In 1715, he was fighting the Navajo.
Unlike Salazar, he never asked for a land grant. Instead, he either settled on land between that claimed by Salazar and the Santa Clara on the west side of river, or received some from Salazar through a sale, trade, or gift.
Naranjo married María Catarina Luján, the illegitimate daughter of Matías Luján of Santa Cruz, who might have been the son of Juan Luján and brother of Juan Luis. The latter had the land north of that claimed by Salazar. Matías had married Francisca Romero, but had a daughter by a native servant. However, Chávez said, there was another Matías Luján in the area married to Catalina Verala, so nothing can be known absolutely.
Naranjo died in the Pawnee ambush of Pedro de Villasur in 1720, which Francisco Montes Vigil survived.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Simmons, Marc. "Trail Dust: Part-Indian Was Loyal to Spanish Cause," The New Mexican, 11 September 2009.
Wild Horses Southwest Art Gallery. History of the Horse in the United States of America's West," gallery website.
In June of 1696, he established his bona fides when his brother Lucas was leading the Santa Clara resistance to the Spanish. José killed him and brought his head back to Diego de Vargas.
His ancestry is an even greater puzzle than Salazar’s. According to Angélico Chávez, Lucas had the dark complexion of the mulatto Domingo. José did not.
I suspect his ultimate Spanish ancestor was Alonso Naranjo, a native of Valladolid with a "tawny beard," who came north with Bernabé de Las Casas in 1600, with 10 horses and 22 head of cattle. He left no further record, but the name Naranjo migrated into the pueblos, probably through children abandoned to their mothers.
According to Chávez, the mestizo heirs had contentious relations with their pure-blood cousins. Jémez killed Diego Martín Naranjo; San Felipe killed Bartolomé Naranjo in 1680 because they feared he’d betray their planned rebellion; a two-year old, María Naranjo, was kidnaped in 1680. Her mother, Juana Hurtado, also held captive, was the daughter of Andrés Hurtado, the father-in-law of Fernando Durán y Chaves.
Incidentally, that wasn’t the first connection between Chavez’s family and the Naranjos. Fernando’s father, Pedro Durán y Chaves paid Pascual Naranjo to take his place on a military campaign against other Indians. Pascual fled to Guadalupe del Paso with his family and didn’t return.
I suspect one of the women involved with Naranjo or one of their daughters was the one who became involved with a mulatto servant or teamster and gave birth to Domingo. Even today, a woman who has lost her status or sense of self worth may become vulnerable or open to other declassé men.
There’s no reason to think Domingo was involved with only one woman, especially after he acquired power in Santa Clara, nor, for that matter, is there any reason to believe a woman involved with him was monogamous. Lucas and José may have had different mothers or different fathers in one household.
Chávez thinks the name came directly through the father, some mulatto who came north with one of Oñate’s men and associated himself with Naranjo, taking his name. That man then worked as a herder in the area of Santa Clara, where he met the woman who would become Domingo’s mother. He believes the progenitor was part Tlascaltec and versed in Aztec lore.
Whatever the truth, José showed a willingness to destroy Indians on behalf of his Spanish masters. In 1702, he was alcalde mayor of Zuñi and active in subjugating the Hopi. In 1704, he was commanding native scouts in the campaign against the Apache, the one that caused Vargas’s death. In 1715, he was fighting the Navajo.
Unlike Salazar, he never asked for a land grant. Instead, he either settled on land between that claimed by Salazar and the Santa Clara on the west side of river, or received some from Salazar through a sale, trade, or gift.
Naranjo married María Catarina Luján, the illegitimate daughter of Matías Luján of Santa Cruz, who might have been the son of Juan Luján and brother of Juan Luis. The latter had the land north of that claimed by Salazar. Matías had married Francisca Romero, but had a daughter by a native servant. However, Chávez said, there was another Matías Luján in the area married to Catalina Verala, so nothing can be known absolutely.
Naranjo died in the Pawnee ambush of Pedro de Villasur in 1720, which Francisco Montes Vigil survived.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Simmons, Marc. "Trail Dust: Part-Indian Was Loyal to Spanish Cause," The New Mexican, 11 September 2009.
Wild Horses Southwest Art Gallery. History of the Horse in the United States of America's West," gallery website.
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