The cold and damp are descending. If Miguel de Quintana were alive, he would be dreading the onset of winter. He was living in a simple adobe house. One can assume it had a dirt floor, a single wood fire, and a poorly sealed entry opening. Once the summer heat retained in the walls was drained, keeping warm must have been difficult.
Many arthritis and rheumatism sufferers believe their suffering gets worse with wet or cold weather. Scientists have found independent evidence rheumatoid arthritis pain increases with the low atmospheric pressure that accompanies cloudy weather. They hypothesize it’s a function of the relative weight of dense or thin air pressing on joints. The comments on high humidity and low temperature are too common to be dismissed, but no one has found a similar link yet.
His treatments would have followed from the then current assumptions that his problems developed when the spleen produced too much black bile that then sank into his joints.
The four humors defined the spleen as a cold and dry organ related to the earth. To bring it back into balance, one used heat and moisture, which were related to air. Rather then bleeding, which was associated with a different humor, David Osborn said conditions of the spleen required increasing circulation.
He added the best herbs were pungent or bitter. Many had "a musky or earthy aroma to them, which resonates with the humors associated Earth element."
The examples Osborn gave were from Europe. I went through the local herbal collections hoping to discover which had been used in this area. Leonora Curtin collected medicinal plant uses in the 1940s. In 1972, José Ortiz y Pino noted which of her cures had been used in the Galisteo area when he was a child, and added some of his own.
They made their notes 200 years after Quintana lived. I eliminated those that used ingredients introduced to the area since 1750. I also discounted those that came from the mountains. The Utes, Apache, and Comanche were making so many raids in those years that people simply didn’t go beyond settled areas. At least some of the plants had to be available in the winter.
Many of the modern cures involved baths. I eliminated those because I found no evidence people had the necessary utensils. Quintana’s daughter died a year after him. She said she owned an old round-bottomed pot, an old saucepan, three dishes, a new gourd dish, and white mesh for a sieve. Juana Roybal was much wealthier when she died in 1770. Still she only declared a copper kettle, a chocolate pot, some Puebla chinaware, two barrels and a jug in her will.
How ever people were keeping themselves and their clothing clean, it wasn’t with the large tubs or pots we see in artists’ reconstructions. They must have been introduced in trade later.
As I read through the remedies I realized the specific herbs were less important than their applications. People crushed leaves or roots over painful areas, thereby releasing essential chemicals. If that didn’t work, they boiled them in small containers, then dipped cloths in the liquids. They often bound the herbs or soaked fabrics around the affected areas. They also drank the same liquids they used in their compresses.
While they boiled the leaves, roots and stems, no one said if they applied the extracts while they were warm, or if they waited until they cooled. Contemporary medicine recommends applying cold to sore joints to decrease inflamation. It suggests using heat to stimulate the flow of blood.
One plant Curtin and Ortiz y Pino mentioned I know was available was chile. Quintana’s daughter left "seven ristras of chile, two in an old bunch" when she dictated her will in May. Curtin was told a pepper was split, then soaked in warm vinegar for a day. Next, "a cloth is steeped in the liquid and applied to the afflicted part." Ortiz y Pino echoed her comment.
Modern scientists have determined chile, in fact, would have been effective. The important ingredient, capsaicin, binds with the neurotransmitter in the skin that sends pain messages to the brain, and thus reduces its power. An Italian team even found capsaicin, when used in large doses, might also affect the chemicals within the synovial tissue. However, they considered their results preliminary.
Some capsaicin tests have yielded contradictory results. I suspect it’s because the experimenters used different pepper species. Anyone here now knows there are great differences even within Capsicum frutescens.
Notes:
The post for 3 July 2010 outline evidence Quintana may have been suffering from rheumatoid arthritis.
Christmas, Henrietta Martínez. "Juana Roybal - Will 1770," posted 1 June 2014 on her 1598 New Mexico website.
Curtin, Leonora Scott Muse. Healing Herbs of the Upper Rio Grande, 1947, republished 1997, with revisions by Michael Moore.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006; contains Spanish and English versions of Lugardia Quintana’s will.
Mason, Lorna, R Andrew Moore, Sheena Derry, Jayne E Edwards, and Henry J McQuay. "Systematic Review of Topical Capsaicin for the Treatment of Chronic Pain," British Medical Journal 328:991:2004.
Matucci-Cerinic, M., S. Marabini, S. Jantsch, M. Cagnoni, and G. Partsch. "Effects of Capsaicin on the Metabolism of Rheumatoid Arthritis Synoviocytes in Vitro," Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 49:598-602:1990.
Ortiz y Pino III, José. The Herbs of Galisteo and Their Powers, 1971.
Osborn, David K. "Pathologies of Black Bile" and "Adjusting and Regulating Black Bile and the Nervous Humor," Greek Medicine website.
Terao, Chikashi, et alia. "Inverse Association between Air Pressure and Rheumatoid Arthritis Synovitis," Plos One, 15 January 2014.
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 36-40. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 08 Santa Cruz 36-40. Show all posts
Sunday, October 09, 2016
Sunday, August 07, 2016
The Mass and the Rosary
Behind the politics and personalities that drove the conflict between Miguel de Quintana and the Franciscans in the 1730s in Santa Cruz lay demographic changes. As was implied in the post for 3 April 2016, the number of Franciscans wasn’t increasing as quickly as the population in Nueva España. That led to what today would be called leveraging resources. The order needed to find techniques that provided equivalent religious experiences to more people with less manpower.
The one notable innovation in Santa Cruz in these years was the use of the rosary. The beads and prayer cycle themselves weren’t new. They date back farther than the Dominicans who are associated with them. Herbert Thurston and Andrew Shipman said the order of the prayers and the accompanying meditations was standardized in the late 1400s.
What was new in Nuevo México was that the regimen for prayer was mentioned. Neither Roque de Madrid nor Leonor Domínguez nor Antonio Velarde talked about it. They all mentioned masses. Madrid noted the one of the eve of battle, Domínguez the ones before Easter, and Velarde ones celebrated every morning by Juan George del Pino.
The communal experience of the mass was more important to Benito Crespo than the solitude of the confession or the rosary. The Puebla diocese, where he served after his years in Durango, remembered he was "jealous of the dignity and splendor of divine worship" and that, in 1735, "recommended the faithful observance of sacred rites in the celebration of Masses."
When the bishop visited Santa Fé in 1730, he noted the poorest Jesuit church had "its church better adorned than in the one of the villa of Santa Fe, which surpasses all those of this district" and that it did "not even have vestments for high mass."
Masses required clergymen. When no friar was assigned to a mission, or when a priest was away, commending parishioners recite the rosary was a way the church could demand the same daily attention from them.
Today, the rosary assumes the presence of beads to make it easier to keep track of the prayers. It also often is accompanied by individual pictures of the 15 mysteries to stimulate contemplation on their meanings.
Not many wills from the area have survived. Ralph Twitchell listed a dozen, and Henrietta Martinez Christmas has translated nine of those. None described any kind of beads that could be construed as rosaries. A few mentioned coral, but as I suggested in the post for 29 May 2016, they may have been amulets against the evil eye.
Three women mentioned pictures or statues, but only the crucifixes could have been used for the mysteries. Quintana’s daughter, Lugarda, left a "a holy Christ, of bronze" in 1749, along with fourteen images of saints, all small." The next year, Rosa Martín Serrano, the wife of Nicolás López, left "a statue of St. Jose."
At the end of the decade, in 1759, Teresa Herrera left "seven holy pictures on wool." She also owned a small and a large crucifix, and a "statue of the Immaculate Conception." She had been married to Diego Martín Serrano and Bartolomé Trujillo.
These images were little different from those willed earlier by Cristóbal Torres and his wife, Angela Leyba. In addition to the picture of Our Lady of Los Remedios, mentioned in the post for 29 May 2016, he owned a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary, a crucifix, and a "statue of Saint Joseph" in 1726. She had "nine pictures of different kinds," the statue of Los Remedios mentioned before, and a "bronze crucifix" the next year.
Quintana may not have been unique in saying the rosary, but no one left the material evidence to know.
Notes: Madrid was mentioned in the post for 2 June 2015, Domínguez in the one for 2 April 2015, Velarde the one for 23 August 2015.
Archdiocese of Puebla. "Excmo. Sr. Don Benito Crespo (1734-1737)," their website; translation by Google.
Christmas, Henrietta Martinez. 1598 New Mexico, blog.
Crespo y Monroy, Benito. Letter to the viceroy, Juan Vásquez de Acuña, 8 September 1730; translation in Eleanor B. Adams, Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760, 1954. Adams noted this particular paragraph was hard to translate because some of the words were lost when it was bound.
Herrera, Teresa. Will, 1759, translated by Christmas as "Teresa Herrera - Will 1759," 20 May 2013.
Leyba, Angela. Will, 1727, translated by Christmas as "Angela Leyba - Will 1727," 30 July 2014.
Martín Serrano, Rosa. Will, 1750, translated by Christmas as "Rosa Martín Serrano - Will 1750," 15 November 2013.
Quintana, Gertrudis Lugarda de. Will, 12 May 1749; translated in Francisco A. Lomelí and Clark A. Colahan, Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Thurston, Herbert, and Andrew Shipman. "The Rosary." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 13. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912
Torres, Cristóbal. Will, 1726, translated by Christmas as "Cristóbal Torrez - Will 1726," 28 July 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
The one notable innovation in Santa Cruz in these years was the use of the rosary. The beads and prayer cycle themselves weren’t new. They date back farther than the Dominicans who are associated with them. Herbert Thurston and Andrew Shipman said the order of the prayers and the accompanying meditations was standardized in the late 1400s.
What was new in Nuevo México was that the regimen for prayer was mentioned. Neither Roque de Madrid nor Leonor Domínguez nor Antonio Velarde talked about it. They all mentioned masses. Madrid noted the one of the eve of battle, Domínguez the ones before Easter, and Velarde ones celebrated every morning by Juan George del Pino.
The communal experience of the mass was more important to Benito Crespo than the solitude of the confession or the rosary. The Puebla diocese, where he served after his years in Durango, remembered he was "jealous of the dignity and splendor of divine worship" and that, in 1735, "recommended the faithful observance of sacred rites in the celebration of Masses."
When the bishop visited Santa Fé in 1730, he noted the poorest Jesuit church had "its church better adorned than in the one of the villa of Santa Fe, which surpasses all those of this district" and that it did "not even have vestments for high mass."
Masses required clergymen. When no friar was assigned to a mission, or when a priest was away, commending parishioners recite the rosary was a way the church could demand the same daily attention from them.
Today, the rosary assumes the presence of beads to make it easier to keep track of the prayers. It also often is accompanied by individual pictures of the 15 mysteries to stimulate contemplation on their meanings.
Not many wills from the area have survived. Ralph Twitchell listed a dozen, and Henrietta Martinez Christmas has translated nine of those. None described any kind of beads that could be construed as rosaries. A few mentioned coral, but as I suggested in the post for 29 May 2016, they may have been amulets against the evil eye.
Three women mentioned pictures or statues, but only the crucifixes could have been used for the mysteries. Quintana’s daughter, Lugarda, left a "a holy Christ, of bronze" in 1749, along with fourteen images of saints, all small." The next year, Rosa Martín Serrano, the wife of Nicolás López, left "a statue of St. Jose."
At the end of the decade, in 1759, Teresa Herrera left "seven holy pictures on wool." She also owned a small and a large crucifix, and a "statue of the Immaculate Conception." She had been married to Diego Martín Serrano and Bartolomé Trujillo.
These images were little different from those willed earlier by Cristóbal Torres and his wife, Angela Leyba. In addition to the picture of Our Lady of Los Remedios, mentioned in the post for 29 May 2016, he owned a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary, a crucifix, and a "statue of Saint Joseph" in 1726. She had "nine pictures of different kinds," the statue of Los Remedios mentioned before, and a "bronze crucifix" the next year.
Quintana may not have been unique in saying the rosary, but no one left the material evidence to know.
Notes: Madrid was mentioned in the post for 2 June 2015, Domínguez in the one for 2 April 2015, Velarde the one for 23 August 2015.
Archdiocese of Puebla. "Excmo. Sr. Don Benito Crespo (1734-1737)," their website; translation by Google.
Christmas, Henrietta Martinez. 1598 New Mexico, blog.
Crespo y Monroy, Benito. Letter to the viceroy, Juan Vásquez de Acuña, 8 September 1730; translation in Eleanor B. Adams, Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760, 1954. Adams noted this particular paragraph was hard to translate because some of the words were lost when it was bound.
Herrera, Teresa. Will, 1759, translated by Christmas as "Teresa Herrera - Will 1759," 20 May 2013.
Leyba, Angela. Will, 1727, translated by Christmas as "Angela Leyba - Will 1727," 30 July 2014.
Martín Serrano, Rosa. Will, 1750, translated by Christmas as "Rosa Martín Serrano - Will 1750," 15 November 2013.
Quintana, Gertrudis Lugarda de. Will, 12 May 1749; translated in Francisco A. Lomelí and Clark A. Colahan, Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Thurston, Herbert, and Andrew Shipman. "The Rosary." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 13. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912
Torres, Cristóbal. Will, 1726, translated by Christmas as "Cristóbal Torrez - Will 1726," 28 July 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
Sunday, July 31, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1735-1738
Miguel de Quintana gets caught in the escalating conflict between the Franciscan friars and the bishop of Durango, who is represented by José de Bustamante.
1736
January: Quintana notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. Ines Griego is suing Marcial Martín for breach of promise. Bustamante hears the case. She settles for 60 pesos. [Roots]
This particular record probably survived because the dispute involved the son of Francisco Martín Serrano and was heard outside the jurisdiction of the Franciscans. Sixty pesos is thirty sheep, or 20% of a soldiers’ annual 400 peso stipend. [Comment]
March: The head of the Inquisition in Santa Fé, José Antonio Guerrero, sends more papers to Ciudad de México, and reports Quintana is "near death." Francisco Lomelí and Clark Colahan don’t reproduce the documents he enclosed. [Guerrero]
Guerrero says, in the same letter, he didn’t publish the Inquisition edicts during Lent "because of the heavy snowfalls and harsh cold in this region." [Guerrero]
Scientists have found rheumatoid arthritis pain increases with the low atmospheric pressure that accompanies cloudy weather. They hypothesize joint tissues expand when the air is less dense, and so make movement difficult. It’s also possible light air exerts less external pressure on joints, so they slide a fraction out of alignment. Santa Cruz’s elevation would contribute to Quintana’s problems because air density decreases with altitude. [Comment]
Many rheumatoid arthritis patients say their symptoms are worse during periods of high humidity and low temperatures, but researchers haven’t yet found the link between the two. The chill described by Guerrero may have made Quintana susceptible to infections and viruses. We know he survives this crises, because he can still notarize transactions for the local alcalde when the weather is warmer and drier. [Comment]
May: Quintana witnesses a land transfer from Juan Angel González and Antonia de Chávez to Diego González. [Twitchell]
July: the Holy Office in Mexico City writes its response to Guerrero’s March dispatch. It instructs him to require Quintana "to go to confessions," and warn him, "if he should slip back" into his old ways, "he will be treated with all the severity of the law and subject to the punishments applied to the obstinate, a fraud, and a rebel." [Navarro]
1737
January: Quintana is "sick in bed from a pain that has been afflicting him for two months." [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero receives the Inquisition’s decision on Quintana. He goes to his house in Santa Cruz to warn him. Quintana agrees to desist sending coloquios to friars. Guerrero assigns José Irigoyen as his confessor. [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero says he visits "la casa y morada" of Quintana. While this word would become associated with the Penitentes, the translators note it is used in its original meaning as a dwelling or abode. [Lomelí]
This description of his house reinforces the suggestion that Quintana’s physical condition was aggravated by living in an adobe house with a dirt floor, single wood fire, and poorly sealed entrance during cold periods. [Comment]
Guerrero and Irigoyen whip Quintana. He writes, "The reverend father who is the commissary of the Holy Office and his notary have come, Miguel, with frivolous pretexts dressed in the passions to hit you with a cat-o’-nine tails, accusing you and reprimanding you for offenses when you have committed none, not even venial ones." [Quintana Coloquio]
If may be that Guerrero and Irigoyen were disappointed with the leniency of the Inquisition’s decision, and appointed Irigoyen as Quintana’s confessor to force him to act or to abstain from some action that they then could use as an excuse to employ the punishments mentioned in the supplemental instructions. This may have been done in public, and led to the activities by Juan Sánchez de la Cruz and Bustamante described below. The latter, in particular, may have seen the whipping as an attack upon himself. [Comment]
Cruz, now assigned to the mission at San Juan de Caballeros, contacts Quintana through Gertrudis Jirón de Tejeda. [Quintana to Cruz]
Quintana describes Jirón as his comadre. She was a child when they both came north in 1693, so she’s not his goddaughter. The incomplete set of sacramental records doesn’t recorded her as the godmother to any of his children or grandchildren. Her connection to Quintana came through his son José’s 1732 marriage to the widow of Juan Sayago. Angélico Chávez believed Sayago and her husband, Manuel de la Rosa, both were related somehow to Francisco González de la Rosa. [Families]
April 17: Quintana writes to Cruz, and encloses the coloquio quoted above. [Quintana to Cruz]
April 24: Juan José Pérez Mirabal visits Cruz, while he is considering his answer to Quintana. Mirabal makes a copy of Quintana’s papers, and tells Cruz that "it had to be reported to the Holy Tribunal." Mirabal is serving in the mission at Jémez at the time. [Mirabal]
Mirabal gives copies of Quintana’s papers to Irigoyen, and tells him the originals will be in the home of Rosa. Late in the day, Irigoyen goes unannounced to Rosa’s house in Santa Cruz, and confiscates Quintana’s papers along with Cruz’s letter. [Irigoyen]
April 25: Cruz writes his letter to Quintana. He says, "I did not understand it, nor could I fathom its phrases, nor did I grasp its purpose." [Cruz]
Cruz may have changed the intent of his letter once he realized Mirabal was likely to report his activities to the Holy Office in Santa Fé. If Irigoyen is to be believed, and he is fastidious about dates and times, Cruz may have misdated his letter. [Comment]
Irigoyen goes unannounced to Cruz’s dwelling to get "a paper of Miguel de Quintana’s that he had in his possession." [Irigoyen]
April 30: Irigoyen makes a statement in the Holy Office in Santa Fé., witnessed by José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Irigoyen]
May: Cruz is assigned to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Sometime, Quintana writes letters to Bustamante. [Quintana to Elizacoechea]
Bustamante’s activities seem important, but are not reported. He may have been using Quintana for some purpose of his own, or may have had little to do with him. [Comment]
August: Marcial Martín marries Gabriela de Atienza. She is the niece of Quintana’s wife’s sister. He’s the one who was sued by Ines Griego. [Families]
August-September: the new bishop of Durango, Martín de Elizacoechea, visits Nuevo México. He accedes to Franciscan complaints and replaces Bustamante as his vicar with Santiago Roybal. [Roybal]
Perhaps as a consequence of the bishop’s inspection, the Franciscans assign Manuel de Sopeña as a resident friar at Santa Clara in August. [Comment]
September: Quintana’s son Francisco marries Juana Martín, the daughter of Miguel Martín Serrano and María Archuleta. This is the first time Jirón and Rosa are listed as witnesses. [NM Marriage]
November: the Franciscan’s vice-custos, Juan Antonio de Ezeiza, pressures Quintana to write Elizacoechea and retract what he had written to Bustamante. He tells the governor, Enrique de Olivade, that Quintana has ruined their reputation. [Ezeiza]
November: Quintana writes the required letter to the bishop of Durango. [Letter to Elizacoechea]
November: Olivade endorses Quintana’s letter. [Olivade]
Irigoyen’s statement must have been sent to Mexico City, because it’s in the files of the Inquisition there. However, they don’t seem to have taken any action. [Lomelí]
The Holy Office may have recognized the political consequences of excessive punishment meted to Quintana, and decided reprimanding him wasn’t worth provoking the new bishop. [Comment]
1738
October: Irigoyen is assigned as the resident friar to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Notes: Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. "El Vicario Don Santiago Roybal," El Palacio 65:231-252:1948.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Ezeiza, Juan Antonio de. Letter to Enrique de Olivade y Micheleña, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Letter to Inquisition office in Mexico City, 11 March 1736, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Irigoyen, José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 30 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown, 1995; on timing of Elizacoechea’s visit.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Navarro de Ysla, Pedro and Pedro Anselmo Sánchez de Tagle. Letter from the Holy Office in response to José Antonio Guerrero’s March report, 12 July 1736, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
New Mexico Genealogical Society. 100 Years of Marriages, 1726-1826, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, New Mexico, extracted and compiled by Henrietta Martinez Christmas and Patricia Sánchez Rau.
Olivade y Micheleña, Enrique de. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Pérez Mirabal, Juan José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 24 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio and letter to Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, 17 April 1737, Santa Cruz; included in Lomelí.
_____. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 2 November 1737, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
Sánchez de la Cruz, Juan. Letter to Miguel Quintana, 25 April 1737, San Juan de Caballeros; in Lomelí.
Terao, Chikashi, et alia. "Inverse Association between Air Pressure and Rheumatoid Arthritis Synovitis," Plos One, 15 January 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
Wingstrand, H. A. Wingstrand and P. Krantz. "Intracapsular and Atmospheric Pressure in the Dynamics and Stability of the Hip. A Biomechanical Study," Acta Orthopaedica Scandinavica 61:231-235:1990.
1736
January: Quintana notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. Ines Griego is suing Marcial Martín for breach of promise. Bustamante hears the case. She settles for 60 pesos. [Roots]
This particular record probably survived because the dispute involved the son of Francisco Martín Serrano and was heard outside the jurisdiction of the Franciscans. Sixty pesos is thirty sheep, or 20% of a soldiers’ annual 400 peso stipend. [Comment]
March: The head of the Inquisition in Santa Fé, José Antonio Guerrero, sends more papers to Ciudad de México, and reports Quintana is "near death." Francisco Lomelí and Clark Colahan don’t reproduce the documents he enclosed. [Guerrero]
Guerrero says, in the same letter, he didn’t publish the Inquisition edicts during Lent "because of the heavy snowfalls and harsh cold in this region." [Guerrero]
Scientists have found rheumatoid arthritis pain increases with the low atmospheric pressure that accompanies cloudy weather. They hypothesize joint tissues expand when the air is less dense, and so make movement difficult. It’s also possible light air exerts less external pressure on joints, so they slide a fraction out of alignment. Santa Cruz’s elevation would contribute to Quintana’s problems because air density decreases with altitude. [Comment]
Many rheumatoid arthritis patients say their symptoms are worse during periods of high humidity and low temperatures, but researchers haven’t yet found the link between the two. The chill described by Guerrero may have made Quintana susceptible to infections and viruses. We know he survives this crises, because he can still notarize transactions for the local alcalde when the weather is warmer and drier. [Comment]
May: Quintana witnesses a land transfer from Juan Angel González and Antonia de Chávez to Diego González. [Twitchell]
July: the Holy Office in Mexico City writes its response to Guerrero’s March dispatch. It instructs him to require Quintana "to go to confessions," and warn him, "if he should slip back" into his old ways, "he will be treated with all the severity of the law and subject to the punishments applied to the obstinate, a fraud, and a rebel." [Navarro]
1737
January: Quintana is "sick in bed from a pain that has been afflicting him for two months." [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero receives the Inquisition’s decision on Quintana. He goes to his house in Santa Cruz to warn him. Quintana agrees to desist sending coloquios to friars. Guerrero assigns José Irigoyen as his confessor. [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero says he visits "la casa y morada" of Quintana. While this word would become associated with the Penitentes, the translators note it is used in its original meaning as a dwelling or abode. [Lomelí]
This description of his house reinforces the suggestion that Quintana’s physical condition was aggravated by living in an adobe house with a dirt floor, single wood fire, and poorly sealed entrance during cold periods. [Comment]
Guerrero and Irigoyen whip Quintana. He writes, "The reverend father who is the commissary of the Holy Office and his notary have come, Miguel, with frivolous pretexts dressed in the passions to hit you with a cat-o’-nine tails, accusing you and reprimanding you for offenses when you have committed none, not even venial ones." [Quintana Coloquio]
If may be that Guerrero and Irigoyen were disappointed with the leniency of the Inquisition’s decision, and appointed Irigoyen as Quintana’s confessor to force him to act or to abstain from some action that they then could use as an excuse to employ the punishments mentioned in the supplemental instructions. This may have been done in public, and led to the activities by Juan Sánchez de la Cruz and Bustamante described below. The latter, in particular, may have seen the whipping as an attack upon himself. [Comment]
Cruz, now assigned to the mission at San Juan de Caballeros, contacts Quintana through Gertrudis Jirón de Tejeda. [Quintana to Cruz]
Quintana describes Jirón as his comadre. She was a child when they both came north in 1693, so she’s not his goddaughter. The incomplete set of sacramental records doesn’t recorded her as the godmother to any of his children or grandchildren. Her connection to Quintana came through his son José’s 1732 marriage to the widow of Juan Sayago. Angélico Chávez believed Sayago and her husband, Manuel de la Rosa, both were related somehow to Francisco González de la Rosa. [Families]
April 17: Quintana writes to Cruz, and encloses the coloquio quoted above. [Quintana to Cruz]
April 24: Juan José Pérez Mirabal visits Cruz, while he is considering his answer to Quintana. Mirabal makes a copy of Quintana’s papers, and tells Cruz that "it had to be reported to the Holy Tribunal." Mirabal is serving in the mission at Jémez at the time. [Mirabal]
Mirabal gives copies of Quintana’s papers to Irigoyen, and tells him the originals will be in the home of Rosa. Late in the day, Irigoyen goes unannounced to Rosa’s house in Santa Cruz, and confiscates Quintana’s papers along with Cruz’s letter. [Irigoyen]
April 25: Cruz writes his letter to Quintana. He says, "I did not understand it, nor could I fathom its phrases, nor did I grasp its purpose." [Cruz]
Cruz may have changed the intent of his letter once he realized Mirabal was likely to report his activities to the Holy Office in Santa Fé. If Irigoyen is to be believed, and he is fastidious about dates and times, Cruz may have misdated his letter. [Comment]
Irigoyen goes unannounced to Cruz’s dwelling to get "a paper of Miguel de Quintana’s that he had in his possession." [Irigoyen]
April 30: Irigoyen makes a statement in the Holy Office in Santa Fé., witnessed by José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Irigoyen]
May: Cruz is assigned to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Sometime, Quintana writes letters to Bustamante. [Quintana to Elizacoechea]
Bustamante’s activities seem important, but are not reported. He may have been using Quintana for some purpose of his own, or may have had little to do with him. [Comment]
August: Marcial Martín marries Gabriela de Atienza. She is the niece of Quintana’s wife’s sister. He’s the one who was sued by Ines Griego. [Families]
August-September: the new bishop of Durango, Martín de Elizacoechea, visits Nuevo México. He accedes to Franciscan complaints and replaces Bustamante as his vicar with Santiago Roybal. [Roybal]
Perhaps as a consequence of the bishop’s inspection, the Franciscans assign Manuel de Sopeña as a resident friar at Santa Clara in August. [Comment]
September: Quintana’s son Francisco marries Juana Martín, the daughter of Miguel Martín Serrano and María Archuleta. This is the first time Jirón and Rosa are listed as witnesses. [NM Marriage]
November: the Franciscan’s vice-custos, Juan Antonio de Ezeiza, pressures Quintana to write Elizacoechea and retract what he had written to Bustamante. He tells the governor, Enrique de Olivade, that Quintana has ruined their reputation. [Ezeiza]
November: Quintana writes the required letter to the bishop of Durango. [Letter to Elizacoechea]
November: Olivade endorses Quintana’s letter. [Olivade]
Irigoyen’s statement must have been sent to Mexico City, because it’s in the files of the Inquisition there. However, they don’t seem to have taken any action. [Lomelí]
The Holy Office may have recognized the political consequences of excessive punishment meted to Quintana, and decided reprimanding him wasn’t worth provoking the new bishop. [Comment]
1738
October: Irigoyen is assigned as the resident friar to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Notes: Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. "El Vicario Don Santiago Roybal," El Palacio 65:231-252:1948.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Ezeiza, Juan Antonio de. Letter to Enrique de Olivade y Micheleña, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Letter to Inquisition office in Mexico City, 11 March 1736, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Irigoyen, José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 30 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown, 1995; on timing of Elizacoechea’s visit.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Navarro de Ysla, Pedro and Pedro Anselmo Sánchez de Tagle. Letter from the Holy Office in response to José Antonio Guerrero’s March report, 12 July 1736, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
New Mexico Genealogical Society. 100 Years of Marriages, 1726-1826, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, New Mexico, extracted and compiled by Henrietta Martinez Christmas and Patricia Sánchez Rau.
Olivade y Micheleña, Enrique de. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Pérez Mirabal, Juan José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 24 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio and letter to Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, 17 April 1737, Santa Cruz; included in Lomelí.
_____. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 2 November 1737, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
Sánchez de la Cruz, Juan. Letter to Miguel Quintana, 25 April 1737, San Juan de Caballeros; in Lomelí.
Terao, Chikashi, et alia. "Inverse Association between Air Pressure and Rheumatoid Arthritis Synovitis," Plos One, 15 January 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
Wingstrand, H. A. Wingstrand and P. Krantz. "Intracapsular and Atmospheric Pressure in the Dynamics and Stability of the Hip. A Biomechanical Study," Acta Orthopaedica Scandinavica 61:231-235:1990.
Sunday, July 24, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1730-1734
The Bishop of Durango visits Nuevo México. Miguel de Quintana is harassed more by Manuel de Sopeña, then is denounced by him to the Inquisition.
1730
Benito Crespo, the bishop of Durango, visits Nuevo México, including Santa Cruz. He notices the missions at Santa Clara and Santa Cruz have no resident friars, and appoints Santiago de Roybal as his vicar in Santa Fé. [27 March 2016]
Last surviving diligencias matrimoniales for the period from Santa Cruz. One is signed by José de Atienza y Alcalá, and one by José Bernardo Gómez. [Roots]
1731
Quintana witnesses a boundary decision between Cristóbal Martín and Francisco Martín. [Twitchell v1]
Quintana sees the ghost of Juan de Tagle four or five times in church. He asks him why he doesn’t say mass. Tagle answers, "He who can say it for me is the priest, Fray Manuel." [Quintana 1732]
Quintana tries to not think about his vision. He writes to Sopeña, "given what Your Paternal Grace has told me I am very much afraid to reveal to Your Paternal Grace what happens to me, or even to go frequently to confession as I used so, since I am terrified by Your Paternal Grace." [Quintana 1732]
1732
Quintana is unable to complete saying the rosary for the Sorrowful Mysteries. He writes, "those stations appeared to me so vividly that it seemed that I was witnessing them with an incredible apprehension. This became even more acute when I reached the final station at Calvary, where the feelings increased so much that I though my life had come to its end, for I was overcome and choked with pain." [Quintana 1732]
He adds, "I have been very afraid to give Your Paternal Grace all of what I have said above, fearing a reproach at the altar or from the pulpit." [Quintana 1732]
March: Sopeña denounces Quintana and his writing to José Antonio Guerrero in the Holy Office in Santa Fé. José Irigoyen is present as the notary. [Lomelí]
March: Roybal visits San Ildefonso. That mission’s records haven’t been published, so I don’t know if there was a special reason. His parents have land at Jacona and so he knows many settlers in the area. Sometime after this, he is reassigned to El Paso. [Archives, 27 March 2016]
April: Irigoyen is assigned to Santa Cruz, and Sopeña is dispatched to Nambé. [Archives]
Irigoyen later says, "throughout the time he has known him the said Miguel de Quintana spends his time writing things for others who live here, that they rely on him for this purpose, that this is his life and his usual activity." He adds, "his advice is well received by those who ask it." [Irigoyen 1734]
Easter is April 13. Irigoyen demands Quintana confess. He answers, "it was a requirement which he could not fulfill, and that God did not ask the impossible." [Irigoyen 1732]
April: José de Bustamante replaces Roybal as the bishop of Durango’s vicar, and visits the mission at San Ildefonso. Again, there are no published records, although the originals are available on microfilm in a few locations. [Archives]
Quintana is aware he has been denounced to the Inquisition. He stops attending meetings of the Third Order. He says "it is not necessary to be a member" to be saved from "all the power of hell." [Quintana 1732]
July: Irigoyen denounces Quintana to the Holy Office for not taking communion. [Lomelí]
He later says Quintana "was the current notary of the ecclesiastical court," which is headed by Bustamante. [Irigoyen 1734]
July: no man seems to be assigned permanently to Santa Cruz after July 1 until 1738. Chávez found at least six friars who signed the sacramental books, including Juan José Pérez de Mirabal and José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Archives]
December: Bustamante visits the mission at Santa Cruz. No obvious reason for the visit appears in the sacramental records. There are no baptismal records between March 1732 and May 1735. The only recorded marriage in 1732 was in August. [Archives]
1733
September: Quintana is terrified of attending mass. [Quintana 1734]
1734
August-September: Quintana’s daughter, Antonia, is abducted from her San Ildefonso area home by Esteban Rodríguez. The record is incomplete. [Twitchell v2]
Rodríguez is the son of an African brought from Loanda, Angola, who married Juana de la Cruz. At the time Esteban is the drummer with the presidio. Since the records are missing, it’s impossible to know what motivated him or why or how he returned her. [Family]
September: Bustamante visits the mission at Nambé. Sopeña was there until August of 1733. Eguía replaced him. Francisco Manuel Bravo Lerchundi is serving there in August and September of 1734. He goes to the mission at Pecos is November. [Archives]
This trip and the ones in 1732 are the only visitations by Bustamante recorded by Angélico Chávez outside Santa Fé. [Archives]
November: José Antonio Guerrero, local head of the Inquisition, interrogates Sopeña, Irigoyen and Quintana, as per his instructions from Mexico City. Eguía and Bravo are the witness. [Lomelí]
Sopeña says, Quintana "seemed to suffer from delusions because when helping him at mass he showed a speech impediment, speaking haltingly, and seems to have something possessing him." He is not attending mass because of his spleen. [Sopeña]
Sopeña notes Quintana is "the notary to the ecclesiastical judge," which would be Bustamante. [Sopeña]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author. Third Order of the Franciscans was open to devout laymen.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Irigoyen, José. Denunciation of Miguel Quintana to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 1 July 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 5 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
1730
Benito Crespo, the bishop of Durango, visits Nuevo México, including Santa Cruz. He notices the missions at Santa Clara and Santa Cruz have no resident friars, and appoints Santiago de Roybal as his vicar in Santa Fé. [27 March 2016]
Last surviving diligencias matrimoniales for the period from Santa Cruz. One is signed by José de Atienza y Alcalá, and one by José Bernardo Gómez. [Roots]
1731
Quintana witnesses a boundary decision between Cristóbal Martín and Francisco Martín. [Twitchell v1]
Quintana sees the ghost of Juan de Tagle four or five times in church. He asks him why he doesn’t say mass. Tagle answers, "He who can say it for me is the priest, Fray Manuel." [Quintana 1732]
Quintana tries to not think about his vision. He writes to Sopeña, "given what Your Paternal Grace has told me I am very much afraid to reveal to Your Paternal Grace what happens to me, or even to go frequently to confession as I used so, since I am terrified by Your Paternal Grace." [Quintana 1732]
1732
Quintana is unable to complete saying the rosary for the Sorrowful Mysteries. He writes, "those stations appeared to me so vividly that it seemed that I was witnessing them with an incredible apprehension. This became even more acute when I reached the final station at Calvary, where the feelings increased so much that I though my life had come to its end, for I was overcome and choked with pain." [Quintana 1732]
He adds, "I have been very afraid to give Your Paternal Grace all of what I have said above, fearing a reproach at the altar or from the pulpit." [Quintana 1732]
March: Sopeña denounces Quintana and his writing to José Antonio Guerrero in the Holy Office in Santa Fé. José Irigoyen is present as the notary. [Lomelí]
March: Roybal visits San Ildefonso. That mission’s records haven’t been published, so I don’t know if there was a special reason. His parents have land at Jacona and so he knows many settlers in the area. Sometime after this, he is reassigned to El Paso. [Archives, 27 March 2016]
April: Irigoyen is assigned to Santa Cruz, and Sopeña is dispatched to Nambé. [Archives]
Irigoyen later says, "throughout the time he has known him the said Miguel de Quintana spends his time writing things for others who live here, that they rely on him for this purpose, that this is his life and his usual activity." He adds, "his advice is well received by those who ask it." [Irigoyen 1734]
Easter is April 13. Irigoyen demands Quintana confess. He answers, "it was a requirement which he could not fulfill, and that God did not ask the impossible." [Irigoyen 1732]
April: José de Bustamante replaces Roybal as the bishop of Durango’s vicar, and visits the mission at San Ildefonso. Again, there are no published records, although the originals are available on microfilm in a few locations. [Archives]
Quintana is aware he has been denounced to the Inquisition. He stops attending meetings of the Third Order. He says "it is not necessary to be a member" to be saved from "all the power of hell." [Quintana 1732]
July: Irigoyen denounces Quintana to the Holy Office for not taking communion. [Lomelí]
He later says Quintana "was the current notary of the ecclesiastical court," which is headed by Bustamante. [Irigoyen 1734]
July: no man seems to be assigned permanently to Santa Cruz after July 1 until 1738. Chávez found at least six friars who signed the sacramental books, including Juan José Pérez de Mirabal and José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Archives]
December: Bustamante visits the mission at Santa Cruz. No obvious reason for the visit appears in the sacramental records. There are no baptismal records between March 1732 and May 1735. The only recorded marriage in 1732 was in August. [Archives]
1733
September: Quintana is terrified of attending mass. [Quintana 1734]
1734
August-September: Quintana’s daughter, Antonia, is abducted from her San Ildefonso area home by Esteban Rodríguez. The record is incomplete. [Twitchell v2]
Rodríguez is the son of an African brought from Loanda, Angola, who married Juana de la Cruz. At the time Esteban is the drummer with the presidio. Since the records are missing, it’s impossible to know what motivated him or why or how he returned her. [Family]
September: Bustamante visits the mission at Nambé. Sopeña was there until August of 1733. Eguía replaced him. Francisco Manuel Bravo Lerchundi is serving there in August and September of 1734. He goes to the mission at Pecos is November. [Archives]
This trip and the ones in 1732 are the only visitations by Bustamante recorded by Angélico Chávez outside Santa Fé. [Archives]
November: José Antonio Guerrero, local head of the Inquisition, interrogates Sopeña, Irigoyen and Quintana, as per his instructions from Mexico City. Eguía and Bravo are the witness. [Lomelí]
Sopeña says, Quintana "seemed to suffer from delusions because when helping him at mass he showed a speech impediment, speaking haltingly, and seems to have something possessing him." He is not attending mass because of his spleen. [Sopeña]
Sopeña notes Quintana is "the notary to the ecclesiastical judge," which would be Bustamante. [Sopeña]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author. Third Order of the Franciscans was open to devout laymen.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Irigoyen, José. Denunciation of Miguel Quintana to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 1 July 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 5 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
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