All the people living in Chimayó before 1712 had family connections from La Cañada before the Revolt. Luis Martín Serrano II was married to Melchora de los Reyes. His children by another wife, Antonia de Miranda, included Antonio and Francisco. The second was married to Juana García de los Reyes. Luis’s brother Pedro’s daughter Juana was married to Felipe de Arratia. Luis’ first cousin, Cristóbal, was the father of Felipe Moraga.
Of the other settlers, Diego González was the son of Melchora González Bernal. Luis López was married to Ana María de la Concepción Bernal. His mother was Ana Luján. Matías Luján was married to Francisca Romero. Angélico Chávez thought Matías the likely son of Juan Luján. He didn’t mention Ana.
Those who weren’t members of the original La Cañada community were soon absorbed by marriage. Antonio’s first wife was Ynez de Ledesma. His second was María Cortés of Mexico City. In 1725, he married Gertrudis Fresqui, the granddaughter of Ambrosia Fresqui.
Ana María Herrera, the niece of Tomas de Herrera y Sandoval, married Luis’ grandson, Antonio. He was the child of Diego and Josefa de Torres.
After 1712, most of the new names that appear in Chimayó were through marriages. That year Mateo de Ortega, the husband of Antonia Martín conveyed, land to Manuel Martín. In 1718, Antonia’s second husband Bernardo Fernández was living there. Diego Durán, the husband of Pascuala Martín, witnessed a wedding in 1720.
Marriages of the younger generation of Martíns generally were with children of new immigrants. Cristóbal’s son Diego married Manuela de Vargas in 1714, his daughter Catarina married Isidro Medina in 1717, and his son Juan Luis married Isidro’s sister Antonia in 1719. Manuela’s father, Manuel Fernandéz de Vargas, was a tailor from Guadalajara. Isidro’s father was a capitán in the militia from Durango.
Antonio Martín’s stepdaughter, Ines Cortes, married Francisco Jurado in 1718. His family came from Sombrerete. The exception to this preference for exogamy was Antonio’s son by María Cortes. Juan Antonio, married Feliciana Monroy in 1725. Her parents were Juan Alonso de Mondragón and Sebastiana Trujillo. Her grandmother was María Bernal.
Within the extended families, authority apparently flowed from father to son. When disputes arose between brothers whose fathers were long dead, harmony was maintained by asking a neutral third party to arbitrate.
For instance, when Diego González filed a complaint against Pedro’s daughter’s husband, Felipe de Arratia, in 1703, the family of Pedro’s brother testified against him. Witnesses included Luis and his sons Domingo and Antonio.
Similarly, Luis López requested arbitration against Melchora de los Reyes in 1712. She was married to Luis Martín. His wife was the close friend of Pedro’s daughter-in-law, Leonor Domínguez.
In 1717, Cristóbal, the son of Hernán, and Francisco, the son of Luis’ son Pedro also used a third party.
In addition, the family employed diligencias matrimoniales to voice concerns when lines of authority weren’t clear. When Diego’s son Antonio proposed marrying Gertrudis Sánchez in 1717, Francisco, his son Juan, and another cousin Diego, all said they had had relations with her. When Isidro Medina’s sister was going to marry Diego Romero, Miguel Martín was one of the witnesses who said Romero had already proposed to another woman. The marriage proceeded when Romero claimed the woman involved was already pregnant by another man.
As mentioned in the post for 29 March 2015 on the dispute between Leonor Domínguez and her husband, the purpose of judicial investigations wasn’t to place blame. Instead, it was to determine the community’s will and enforce it. The first two complaints were like class action suits brought by groups who were harmed by someone closing a road. To maintain family and community harmony, the person filing the complaint was not a member of the accused’s family, but the witnesses and beneficiaries were.
Notes: Chávez didn’t mention Melchora in Families, but she was named as the mother of Diego Martín, son of Luis, in 1717 in Roots. Chávez believed Bernardo or Bernardino Fernández was the same man as Martín Fernández mentioned in the post for 2 April 2015.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995. He has more on the functions of the judicial system as an enforced of community mores.
Showing posts with label 01 Luján. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 01 Luján. Show all posts
Wednesday, November 04, 2015
Sunday, May 25, 2014
La Cañada - The Lujáns
The Lujáns who settled in La Cañada created their own stratified social network of men with affluence, common folk, and those on the cultural margins.
Angélico Chávez believes the nucleus was Juan Luján, son of Francisco Rodríguez; Pedro Rodríguez, and Juan Ruiz Cárceres, son of Pedro Ruiz. He suspects, in this case, Ruiz was an abbreviation for Rodríguez and that they may have been cousins and brothers.
Juan Luján came with an Indian servant, Francisca Jiménez, and acknowledged three children. However, Chávez believes the girl, Maríana Luján, was really the illegitimate Maríana who arrived in the entourage of fellow Canary Islander Juan López de Medel. Her mother María was from Tecpeaca near Tenochtitlán. Maríana married Juan de Perramos, who escorted the 1616 supply train, and had a daughter María Ramos.
Juan’s son, Francisco, first married Lucía Rodríguez, perhaps some relation of Pedro Rodríguez and his Indian servant, Magdalena. Next he married María Ramos. Since he was associated with the murder of Luis de Rosas, critics of the Franciscans accused the friars of granting him an illegal dispensation to marry his "blood niece." Most of his activities were around Santo Domingo and Cochití.
Chávez believes Francisco’s probable son, Domingo Luján, was the one who smuggled gunpowder to his half-brother at Cochití during the retreat to Guadalupe del Paso. His wife and children spent the exile years as captives in the pueblos.
There was also a Francisco Jiménez who was associated with the Griegos in 1663. Chávez suggests he was either the son or nephew of Francisca Jiménez. He and his family were killed at Pojoaque in 1680.
Juan’s other son, Juan Luján was the one who created whatever fortune the family enjoyed. He became alcalde mayor of Taos-Picurís and owned an estancia in the Taos valley. His wife more than likely was one of the unnamed daughters of Pedro Lucero de Godoy and Francisca Gómez Robledo, since Francisca’s brother owned part of the Taos encomienda. Their daughter, María, married Juan de Archuleta.
One of his sons was probably Matías Luján, who escaped the revolt. He had been born in the La Cañada area and married Francisca Romero. His son Miguel was married to Catalina Valdés whom he later murdered.
There was also a girl described as the child of Matías Luján and an Indian servant who married José López Naranjo. Although, Chávez notes, there was more than one Matías Luján at the time, the implicit behavior was similar to that of his cousin Domingo. Naranjo was the brother of Domingo Naranjo, the mulatto leader of the rebellion at Santa Clara.
Juan’s more respectable son, Juan Luján, was the Juan Luis who owned the land the Tanos accepted in place of La Cañada in 1696. Its size was commiserate with that controlled by his father.
For a while, he was distinguished from his father by the phrase El Viejo. By the time the pueblos rebelled in 1680, he may also have needed to separate himself from his siblings and cousins. At Guadalupe del Paso, he used the names Juan Luis, Juan Luis Luján, and Juan Ruiz Luján. Chávez is sure they’re the same because he was 66 years old in 1689 when he reported a wife, grown son and three small children.
One time he was called to identify himself in the refuge camp was when Silvestre Pacheco murdered his sister’s husband, José Baca, son of Cristóbal Baca.
His grandfather’s kinsman, Juan Ruiz Cárceres had married Isabel Baca. She was probably the daughter of Alonso Baca and sister or stepsister of José Baca’s father. Alonso was the son of Cristóbal Baca and Ana Ortiz. She was the daughter of Francisco Pacheco, and they were married in México before than came north in the same group of 1600 recruits. Nothing more is known about his personal life.
Politically he defied the governor in 1643 when he allied himself with the Franciscans at San Domingo pueblo. Alonso de Pacheco de Herédia executed his brother, Antonio Baca, who was the ringleader. After that he remained less active in the río abajo.
Ruiz Cárceres also supported the friars, but less dramatically. After he died, Irene became the Franciscan’s cook at Tajique. Their daughter, Juana Ruiz Cárceres married Antonio de Avalos.
His son, Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was in the military escort for the supply train in 1652. His likely grandson, also Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was with Domingo and Miguel Luján during the exile and reconquest, when he acted as an interpreter with the Tewa and Tano speakers. After the grandson helped Luis Pérez Granillo survey La Cañada, he acquired the land of Alonso del Río.
Alonso del Río had come with Oñate in 1598. In the intervening years, Diego del Río de Losa had been a secretary for the cabildo and involved with the murder of Luis de Rosas. The Alonso who had land in La Cañada was already at Guadalupe el Paso when the rebellion broke out, and stayed there after the reconquest.
As for Miguel Luján, Chávez can’t decide who he was, except the possible brother or brother-in-law of Juan Ruiz de Cárceres. During the reconquest, he was on guard duty at the chapel in Santa Fé when the Tano speakers resumed fighting. He and his sons, Agustín and Cristóbal, survived, but he was killed in a campaign against Cochití in 1694.
When Granillo surveyed his hacienda, he noted: "Its houses still exist. Only he and his family had lived there, because the lands for agriculture and irrigation were sufficient for only one family, with pastures for a few livestock of any kind he might have had."
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Angélico Chávez believes the nucleus was Juan Luján, son of Francisco Rodríguez; Pedro Rodríguez, and Juan Ruiz Cárceres, son of Pedro Ruiz. He suspects, in this case, Ruiz was an abbreviation for Rodríguez and that they may have been cousins and brothers.
Juan Luján came with an Indian servant, Francisca Jiménez, and acknowledged three children. However, Chávez believes the girl, Maríana Luján, was really the illegitimate Maríana who arrived in the entourage of fellow Canary Islander Juan López de Medel. Her mother María was from Tecpeaca near Tenochtitlán. Maríana married Juan de Perramos, who escorted the 1616 supply train, and had a daughter María Ramos.
Juan’s son, Francisco, first married Lucía Rodríguez, perhaps some relation of Pedro Rodríguez and his Indian servant, Magdalena. Next he married María Ramos. Since he was associated with the murder of Luis de Rosas, critics of the Franciscans accused the friars of granting him an illegal dispensation to marry his "blood niece." Most of his activities were around Santo Domingo and Cochití.
Chávez believes Francisco’s probable son, Domingo Luján, was the one who smuggled gunpowder to his half-brother at Cochití during the retreat to Guadalupe del Paso. His wife and children spent the exile years as captives in the pueblos.
There was also a Francisco Jiménez who was associated with the Griegos in 1663. Chávez suggests he was either the son or nephew of Francisca Jiménez. He and his family were killed at Pojoaque in 1680.
Juan’s other son, Juan Luján was the one who created whatever fortune the family enjoyed. He became alcalde mayor of Taos-Picurís and owned an estancia in the Taos valley. His wife more than likely was one of the unnamed daughters of Pedro Lucero de Godoy and Francisca Gómez Robledo, since Francisca’s brother owned part of the Taos encomienda. Their daughter, María, married Juan de Archuleta.
One of his sons was probably Matías Luján, who escaped the revolt. He had been born in the La Cañada area and married Francisca Romero. His son Miguel was married to Catalina Valdés whom he later murdered.
There was also a girl described as the child of Matías Luján and an Indian servant who married José López Naranjo. Although, Chávez notes, there was more than one Matías Luján at the time, the implicit behavior was similar to that of his cousin Domingo. Naranjo was the brother of Domingo Naranjo, the mulatto leader of the rebellion at Santa Clara.
Juan’s more respectable son, Juan Luján, was the Juan Luis who owned the land the Tanos accepted in place of La Cañada in 1696. Its size was commiserate with that controlled by his father.
For a while, he was distinguished from his father by the phrase El Viejo. By the time the pueblos rebelled in 1680, he may also have needed to separate himself from his siblings and cousins. At Guadalupe del Paso, he used the names Juan Luis, Juan Luis Luján, and Juan Ruiz Luján. Chávez is sure they’re the same because he was 66 years old in 1689 when he reported a wife, grown son and three small children.
One time he was called to identify himself in the refuge camp was when Silvestre Pacheco murdered his sister’s husband, José Baca, son of Cristóbal Baca.
His grandfather’s kinsman, Juan Ruiz Cárceres had married Isabel Baca. She was probably the daughter of Alonso Baca and sister or stepsister of José Baca’s father. Alonso was the son of Cristóbal Baca and Ana Ortiz. She was the daughter of Francisco Pacheco, and they were married in México before than came north in the same group of 1600 recruits. Nothing more is known about his personal life.
Politically he defied the governor in 1643 when he allied himself with the Franciscans at San Domingo pueblo. Alonso de Pacheco de Herédia executed his brother, Antonio Baca, who was the ringleader. After that he remained less active in the río abajo.
Ruiz Cárceres also supported the friars, but less dramatically. After he died, Irene became the Franciscan’s cook at Tajique. Their daughter, Juana Ruiz Cárceres married Antonio de Avalos.
His son, Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was in the military escort for the supply train in 1652. His likely grandson, also Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was with Domingo and Miguel Luján during the exile and reconquest, when he acted as an interpreter with the Tewa and Tano speakers. After the grandson helped Luis Pérez Granillo survey La Cañada, he acquired the land of Alonso del Río.
Alonso del Río had come with Oñate in 1598. In the intervening years, Diego del Río de Losa had been a secretary for the cabildo and involved with the murder of Luis de Rosas. The Alonso who had land in La Cañada was already at Guadalupe el Paso when the rebellion broke out, and stayed there after the reconquest.
As for Miguel Luján, Chávez can’t decide who he was, except the possible brother or brother-in-law of Juan Ruiz de Cárceres. During the reconquest, he was on guard duty at the chapel in Santa Fé when the Tano speakers resumed fighting. He and his sons, Agustín and Cristóbal, survived, but he was killed in a campaign against Cochití in 1694.
When Granillo surveyed his hacienda, he noted: "Its houses still exist. Only he and his family had lived there, because the lands for agriculture and irrigation were sufficient for only one family, with pastures for a few livestock of any kind he might have had."
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Sunday, May 18, 2014
La Cañada - Kinship
If you ever spent much time in a small town, you know the ways sociologists measure prestige are irrelevant. You soon learn kinship networks are far more important indicators for who will be elected mayor or student council president than wealth or profession, and that the important ties may be buried several generations back.
By this measure, the most important man in La Cañada before the Pueblo Revolt wasn’t Luis Martín Serrano, but Juan Griego. The one was connected by marriage to four of the other fifteen landholders mentioned by Luis Pérez Granillo in his survey of area in 1695, while the other was tied to seven.
The men who would be ranked highly by sociologists, Melchor de Archuleta, Sebastían González and Ambrosio Sáez, each had three, while Francisco Gómez Robledo had only one kinship tie mentioned in these postings.
The ones who fell low in the kinship rankings were often men who were the first generation to bear a name, the half-acknowledged sons of better known families like Bartolomé Montoya, Marcos de Herrera and Agustín Romero, or the completely unacknowledged like Pedro de la Cruz.
Employees were non-existent in the social fabric, whether they held high positions like Francisco Xavier with one connection, or lowly ones like Nicolás de la Cruz and Alonso del Río with none.
The other men like Griego of relatively obscure birth and wide connections were Diego López, with three ties to the local community, and Miguel Luján, whose ties were through undocumented mestizos and sub rosa relatives in the pueblos. It happens both names represent clusters of men related by blood rather than individuals.
Angélico Chávez believes Luján is descended from the one of the contingent of men born in the Canary Islands that was commanded by Bernabé de Las Casas López in 1600, but didn’t speculate on why so many were available.
The Canaries had been visited by Portuguese explorers in 1340, but assigned to Castile by Pope Clement VI in 1344. Jean de Béthencourt began taking possession of them under the authority of Henry III of Castile in 1403. Alberto de Las Casas became their bishop.
After Béthencourt and Las Casas died, Béthencourt’s nephew, Maciot, sold the islands. They changed hands, before passing to Guillen de Las Casas Hurtado in 1430, and from him to Fernán Peraza through his wife Inés de Las Casas. After Portugal again showed interest, Spain began asserting direct control in 1477.
Soon after, the Portuguese introduced sugar cane, and large land holdings followed. Smaller settlers may have been forced to emigrate, like they would be when sugar was introduced on Barbados in the mid-1600's. Meantime, Santa Cruz de Palma became a major port, both for exporting sugar and as a layover station for ships bound for the Americas. French pirates sacked the city in 1535. Francis Drake attacked on behalf of England in 1585.
The effect of the Inquisition is hard to determine. Gustav Henningsen has estimated that while about 1,500 were tried in the tribunal at La Palma between 1540 and 1700, none were found guilty.
However, Alonso de Benavides claims he had been a lay familiar there before he moved to México in 1598 and joined the Franciscans in 1603 when he was about 25 years old. After he arrived in Santa Fé in 1627, he claimed to remember Francisco de Soto had been penanced and was now calling himself Juan Donayre de las Misas. The man, who said he’d been born in Cordoba to Francisco Rodríguez de las Misas and Catalina Donayre, was forced to call himself Juan Pecador, the sinner.
Guillen Las Casas Hurtado was the great-great-grandfather of Bernabé, who was born on Tenerife. Guillen’s brother Francisco was the father of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the bishop who first complained about the abuses of encomiendas in Hispañola in 1515.
Bernabé was with Juan de Oñate in 1598, and earned his respect during the ill-fated expedition to Ácoma. Oñate sent him to México City to help prepare the reinforcements who were to be commanded by Gaspar de Villagrá. However, the viceroy, still angry over Oñate’s contract, replaced Villagrá with Las Casas.
I have no idea if Las Casas was responsible for recruiting the large number of men in the expedition who were from the Canary Islands, and if so, if relics of feudal obligations nearly as important as kinship were involved.
Several of the men brought Indian servants. The assumption has always been that these were common law wives, rather than the retainers of well-to-do men. If so, their presence in Las Casa’s reinforcements suggest that they were men who could not or would not marry daughters of Spanish settlers or local mestizos. They also suggest men who might have had a stronger interest in migration than silver.
Among those who stayed, at least for a few years, were Juan López de Medel, who Chávez thinks became Mederos. He brought María, her daughter Mariana, her sister Catalina who was married to Francisco, and Augustina. Juan Luján brought Francisca Jiménez.
Juan Bautista Ruato came with a mulatto slave, Mateo. Chávez believes he was the same man as Juan Bautista Suazo. One possible descendant, Juan de Suazo, was married to Ana María Bernal, a likely descendant of Juan Griego’s son Francisco Bernal. They returned from exile and lived at Senecú. Another was María Suazo who married Diego López Sambrano, a man banned from the reconquest for his treatment of natives before the rebellion.
He was the only one from the island of Tenerife to last; the others were from La Palma.
One man who brought a servant who didn’t appear again in the record was Pedro Rodríguez. He came with Magdalena. Another was Cristobal de Brito who was responsible for Beatriz de los Ángeles and Juan Tarasco. However, his last name persisted after the reconquest among people of mixed race backgrounds.
Of the men who didn’t bring a servant, only one stayed in the area, Juan Ruiz Cárceres. Domingo Gutierrez left no record, beyond his last name. Both were from La Palma.
Luis Moreno and Francisco Suarez never appeared again in the public record in any way. They were from Tenerfire.
Notes: I only counted kinship ties I mentioned; there would be a great many more in Chávez’s book if you followed all the children through all their marriages and in-laws.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Gray, Vikki and Angela Lewis. "Partial List of People Who Came to New Mexico in 1600," GenWeb site; has more detail than Chávez on people who came and didn’t stay, including servants.
Henningsen, Gustav. "The Database of the Spanish Inquisition. The Relaciones De Causas Project Revisited" in Heinz Mohnhaupt and Dieter Simon, Vorträge zur Justizforschung, 1992, cited by Wikipedia.
By this measure, the most important man in La Cañada before the Pueblo Revolt wasn’t Luis Martín Serrano, but Juan Griego. The one was connected by marriage to four of the other fifteen landholders mentioned by Luis Pérez Granillo in his survey of area in 1695, while the other was tied to seven.
The men who would be ranked highly by sociologists, Melchor de Archuleta, Sebastían González and Ambrosio Sáez, each had three, while Francisco Gómez Robledo had only one kinship tie mentioned in these postings.
The ones who fell low in the kinship rankings were often men who were the first generation to bear a name, the half-acknowledged sons of better known families like Bartolomé Montoya, Marcos de Herrera and Agustín Romero, or the completely unacknowledged like Pedro de la Cruz.
Employees were non-existent in the social fabric, whether they held high positions like Francisco Xavier with one connection, or lowly ones like Nicolás de la Cruz and Alonso del Río with none.
The other men like Griego of relatively obscure birth and wide connections were Diego López, with three ties to the local community, and Miguel Luján, whose ties were through undocumented mestizos and sub rosa relatives in the pueblos. It happens both names represent clusters of men related by blood rather than individuals.
Angélico Chávez believes Luján is descended from the one of the contingent of men born in the Canary Islands that was commanded by Bernabé de Las Casas López in 1600, but didn’t speculate on why so many were available.
The Canaries had been visited by Portuguese explorers in 1340, but assigned to Castile by Pope Clement VI in 1344. Jean de Béthencourt began taking possession of them under the authority of Henry III of Castile in 1403. Alberto de Las Casas became their bishop.
After Béthencourt and Las Casas died, Béthencourt’s nephew, Maciot, sold the islands. They changed hands, before passing to Guillen de Las Casas Hurtado in 1430, and from him to Fernán Peraza through his wife Inés de Las Casas. After Portugal again showed interest, Spain began asserting direct control in 1477.
Soon after, the Portuguese introduced sugar cane, and large land holdings followed. Smaller settlers may have been forced to emigrate, like they would be when sugar was introduced on Barbados in the mid-1600's. Meantime, Santa Cruz de Palma became a major port, both for exporting sugar and as a layover station for ships bound for the Americas. French pirates sacked the city in 1535. Francis Drake attacked on behalf of England in 1585.
The effect of the Inquisition is hard to determine. Gustav Henningsen has estimated that while about 1,500 were tried in the tribunal at La Palma between 1540 and 1700, none were found guilty.
However, Alonso de Benavides claims he had been a lay familiar there before he moved to México in 1598 and joined the Franciscans in 1603 when he was about 25 years old. After he arrived in Santa Fé in 1627, he claimed to remember Francisco de Soto had been penanced and was now calling himself Juan Donayre de las Misas. The man, who said he’d been born in Cordoba to Francisco Rodríguez de las Misas and Catalina Donayre, was forced to call himself Juan Pecador, the sinner.
Guillen Las Casas Hurtado was the great-great-grandfather of Bernabé, who was born on Tenerife. Guillen’s brother Francisco was the father of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the bishop who first complained about the abuses of encomiendas in Hispañola in 1515.
Bernabé was with Juan de Oñate in 1598, and earned his respect during the ill-fated expedition to Ácoma. Oñate sent him to México City to help prepare the reinforcements who were to be commanded by Gaspar de Villagrá. However, the viceroy, still angry over Oñate’s contract, replaced Villagrá with Las Casas.
I have no idea if Las Casas was responsible for recruiting the large number of men in the expedition who were from the Canary Islands, and if so, if relics of feudal obligations nearly as important as kinship were involved.
Several of the men brought Indian servants. The assumption has always been that these were common law wives, rather than the retainers of well-to-do men. If so, their presence in Las Casa’s reinforcements suggest that they were men who could not or would not marry daughters of Spanish settlers or local mestizos. They also suggest men who might have had a stronger interest in migration than silver.
Among those who stayed, at least for a few years, were Juan López de Medel, who Chávez thinks became Mederos. He brought María, her daughter Mariana, her sister Catalina who was married to Francisco, and Augustina. Juan Luján brought Francisca Jiménez.
Juan Bautista Ruato came with a mulatto slave, Mateo. Chávez believes he was the same man as Juan Bautista Suazo. One possible descendant, Juan de Suazo, was married to Ana María Bernal, a likely descendant of Juan Griego’s son Francisco Bernal. They returned from exile and lived at Senecú. Another was María Suazo who married Diego López Sambrano, a man banned from the reconquest for his treatment of natives before the rebellion.
He was the only one from the island of Tenerife to last; the others were from La Palma.
One man who brought a servant who didn’t appear again in the record was Pedro Rodríguez. He came with Magdalena. Another was Cristobal de Brito who was responsible for Beatriz de los Ángeles and Juan Tarasco. However, his last name persisted after the reconquest among people of mixed race backgrounds.
Of the men who didn’t bring a servant, only one stayed in the area, Juan Ruiz Cárceres. Domingo Gutierrez left no record, beyond his last name. Both were from La Palma.
Luis Moreno and Francisco Suarez never appeared again in the public record in any way. They were from Tenerfire.
Notes: I only counted kinship ties I mentioned; there would be a great many more in Chávez’s book if you followed all the children through all their marriages and in-laws.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Gray, Vikki and Angela Lewis. "Partial List of People Who Came to New Mexico in 1600," GenWeb site; has more detail than Chávez on people who came and didn’t stay, including servants.
Henningsen, Gustav. "The Database of the Spanish Inquisition. The Relaciones De Causas Project Revisited" in Heinz Mohnhaupt and Dieter Simon, Vorträge zur Justizforschung, 1992, cited by Wikipedia.
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