The institutional religion espoused by Juan de Ulibarrí coexisted with the older traditions of La Cañada and Madrid.
He saw his expedition to El Cuartelejo in 1706 as a march "across unknown land barbarously inhabited by innumerable heathens." One of his missions was to pacify the Apache band under the sign of the cross. As he went, he brought the land under Christian control with the names he bestowed.
Many were the familiar ones of disciples and others associated with Christ. There was a pond for San Pedro, rivers for Santiago and San Juan Baptista, and water for San Bartolomé. The women he memorialized included Santa María Magdalena and Santa Ana.
He invoked martyrs and holy helpers. San Cristóbal, San Lorenzo, San Sebastían, and San Valentine died at the hands of the Romans. San Blas, San Gil, and San Pantaleón were three of the fourteen saints who became associated with miracle cures during the Bubonic Plague of the 1300s. They were aided by three virgins, including Santa Catalina.
As would be expected, he called the Arkansas river "Río Grande de San Francisco because of the memorable glory of his Christian zeal." He named arroyos for San Diego and San Antonio, and a stopping place for San Buenaventura, all Franciscan saints. The ranchería Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles Porsíuncula recalled Assisi where he began.
Ulibarrí knew his report would be read by the governor, Francisco Cuervo, and possibly by the viceroy, the Duque de Alburquerque. Both supported the Jesuits. Thus, he said he placed his expedition under the protection of "San Francisco Xavier," the "Glorious Patriarch, San Ignacio de Loyola," and "Our Lady the Virgin Mary, conqueress of this kingdom."
Unlike Jacques Marquette, he rarely reduced Mary to a sacred incubator. The French Jesuit priest wrote, "I placed our voyage under the protection of the Blessed Virgin Immaculate, promising her that, if she granted us the favor of discovering the great River, I would give it The Name of the Conception." He said mass in 1675 at Starved Rock in his Mission of the Immaculate Conception.
Ulibarrí probably didn’t have a serious interest in the internecine battles between Franciscans and Jesuits. His ancestors may have been Basques from Navarre, but he was born in San Luis Potosí. The mining town where he was raised had seen Franciscans arrive in 1539, Augustinians in 1599, and Jesuits in 1624.
He renamed one of the Apache rancherías for San Augustín, and remembered his saints with La Laguna de Santa Tomas de Villa Nueva, Río de San Nicolas de Tolentino, and Ojo de Santa Rita.
Roman Catholicism controlled how he described the landscape, but not how he responded to it. When they crossed the Arkansas he noted the time it took "was about the equivalent of thirty-three Credos recited very slowly."
He called places Puerto Florida and Bueno Vista because they struck him as beautiful. Some he named for the memories: Canyon La Palotada "because there was much fallen timber" and El Arroyo de las Ansias "because of the many troubles I had in cutting through it." Still others were jokes: Ojo de Jediondo, "because we do not know the road," and Las Tetas de Domínguez.
His response to finding water was to cite "good fortune." It was others in the camp who gave thanks to "our God and his most Holy Mother." Only then did he order "that spring be named El Ojo de Nuestra Señora del Buen Suesco."
The role of the Franciscans in Santa Cruz appears to have been weak in these years. Their friars still accompanied military expeditions, but they didn’t supply enough padres for the existing parishes. In 1706, their custodia, Juan Álvarez, reported Pedro Mata was resident priest at San Juan, but he also was responsible for Picurís, Santa Cruz, and Cañada de Chimayó. Another man was there two years later.
Santa Clara didn’t have a priest in 1706. Members were expected to walk to San Ildefonso where Juan de Tagle read mass even though, when the "river freezes over with ice, which is very thick, or when there are floods, which last several months, it cannot be crossed."
Notes:
Álvarez, Juan [Fray]. Report on missions of New Mexico, 7 January 1706, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier and included in Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, volume 3, 1937, translated and edited by Charles Wilson Hackett; quotation on river conditions.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Trujillo, Ellia. "Juan and Antonio Ulibarrí," Ancestry.com, 25 Oct 1999; cited work done by Abel Ruybalid.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935. Hediondo means stinking, tetas means tits.
The other religious names he used were:
Our Lady of Mount Carmel - on her feast day
Río de Jesús María
Ranchería of St Joseph - Christ’s father
San Miguel - the archangel, for an outlet
Santa Rosa - Dominican, associated with Peru, for a stream
El Valle de San Cayetano - Italian saint, associated with Argentina, canonized the same day as Santa Rosa
Santa Cruz - holy cross, for a pool
Nombre de Dios - name of God, for a hill
La Valle del Espirtu Santo - holy spirit
His other secular names were:
Naranjo - for a spring
La Jicarilla - for river banks
Ulibarrí - for a canyon
Las Piletas - the pools, for a stream
Río de Peñas - rocky outcrop
Showing posts with label 01 Ulibarrí. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 01 Ulibarrí. Show all posts
Thursday, June 04, 2015
Saturday, May 30, 2015
Franciscans and Jesuits
Differences between Nouvelle-France Jesuits and Nuevo México Franciscans probably had less to do with beliefs of their founders than with ways their orders served the kings upon whom they were dependent.
In Spain, all priests, regardless of order, were expected to serve as arms of the Inquisition. They were trained to spot signs of covert Jewishness. Parishioners, like Leonor Domínguez, learned to maintain outward manifestations of faith, even when under duress. Everyone judged the Españolness of others.
When Franciscans came north with Juan de Oñate and Diego de Varga they did nothing to convert sedentary pueblos. Military leaders pacified settlements, then assigned priests to administer them. That meant transforming adults and older children into laborers who behaved like Españoles. Priests were expected to report any seditious behavior.
Natives weren’t actually accorded the status of Españoles, but were defined as children being guided by fathers. Their marriages weren’t scrutinized in the same way. Angélico Chávez said, they didn’t submit diligencias matrimoniales.
When priests found kivas and dances persisted before the Revolt, they didn’t try to persuade. They asked the state to intervene. When they discovered pueblos hadn’t altered their marriage ways, the 1714 governor, Juan Flores Magollón, "ordered that married couples in Indian pueblos should live together rather than with their individual parents, as was the custom." He saw it as a "reversion to Indian habits that the Spanish were trying to break."
Explorers in New France found no easily exploitable natural resources. They did find fur. They were able to convert native bands into commercial hunters who traded pelts for European goods. Traders had no choice but to learn the languages and trading rituals of natives. If the priests wanted to convert mobile societies, they had to follow traders and persuade by example.
In 1700, when the War of Spanish Succession began, alliances with native groups became critical to the military success of France, England, and Spain. When the missionary François-Jolliet de Montigny settled with the Taensa near the confluence of the Yazoo and Mississippi rivers in 1703, he didn’t destroy their temple.
When a smallpox epidemic ravaged the village, he baptized dying infants and those adults he believed understood the purpose of his prayers. When the chief died, he didn’t interfere with the death rituals. He only acted to persuade people not to make human sacrifices.
He was away when the temple burned and women began throwing infants into the fire. It was only then other Frenchmen in the village contravened native customs.
Like the coureurs and priests Juan de Ulibarrí was expected to provide information on indios bárbaros when he went to El Cuartelejo for the governor. He reported the Jicarilla "were very good people; that had not stolen anything from anyone, but occupied themselves with their maize and corn fields which they harvest, because they are busy with the sowing of corn, frijoles, and pumpkins."
After talking with the El Cuartelejo, he wrote: "The first thing is they are more inclined toward our Catholic faith than any of those that are thus reduced." He added, "at the end of July they had gathered crops of Indian corn, watermelons, pumpkins, and kidney beans [...] So that, because of the fertility of the land, the docility of the people, and the abundance of buffalo, and other game, the propagation of our holy Catholic faith could be advanced very much."
Compare that to the 1673 meeting between the Jesuit priest, Jacques Marquette, and the Illinois. He described the calumet dance in detail, and noted: "They have several wives, of whom they are Extremely jealous; they watch them very closely, and Cut off Their noses or ears when they misbehave." Of their food, he said:
"They live by hunting, game being plentiful in that country, and on indian corn, of which they always have a good crop; consequently, they have never suffered from famine. They also sow beans and melons, which are Excellent, especially those that have red seeds. Their Squashes are not of the best; they dry them in the sun, to eat them during The winter and the spring."
He adds, "Their Cabins are very large, and are Roofed and floored with mats made of Rushes" and "They are liberal in cases of illness, and Think that the effect of the medicines administered to them is in proportion to the presents given to the physician."
It was perhaps too much to expect soldiers to make the same kind of ethnographic observations as priests. It wasn’t simply that the ones were more educated than the others. The ability of a good military leader to locate water in barren lands and ensure the safety of hundreds of horses in treacherous terrain was simply different.
Ulibarrí had a priest with him. So far as I know, he made no report. He stayed with the Spaniards when Ulibarrí was meeting with El Cuartelejo leaders. It was only after the chief took them to a cross that Domingo de Aranz appeared to consummate the pacification and intone "the Te Deum Laudemus and the rest of the prayers and sang three times the hymn in praise of the sacrament."
They were given a hymn of praise, but not a full mass. They weren’t yet professors of the faith.
Notes: Montigny was one of the missionaries sent by the Séminaire des Missions Étrangères in 1698; see posting for 17 May 2015.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Flores Magollón, Juan Ignacio. Order, 30 April 1714, quoted by Frederic J. Athearn in A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978. The translation does not indicate which pueblo was involved.
Gallay, Alan. The Indian Slave Trade, 2002; on Montigny.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.
In Spain, all priests, regardless of order, were expected to serve as arms of the Inquisition. They were trained to spot signs of covert Jewishness. Parishioners, like Leonor Domínguez, learned to maintain outward manifestations of faith, even when under duress. Everyone judged the Españolness of others.
When Franciscans came north with Juan de Oñate and Diego de Varga they did nothing to convert sedentary pueblos. Military leaders pacified settlements, then assigned priests to administer them. That meant transforming adults and older children into laborers who behaved like Españoles. Priests were expected to report any seditious behavior.
Natives weren’t actually accorded the status of Españoles, but were defined as children being guided by fathers. Their marriages weren’t scrutinized in the same way. Angélico Chávez said, they didn’t submit diligencias matrimoniales.
When priests found kivas and dances persisted before the Revolt, they didn’t try to persuade. They asked the state to intervene. When they discovered pueblos hadn’t altered their marriage ways, the 1714 governor, Juan Flores Magollón, "ordered that married couples in Indian pueblos should live together rather than with their individual parents, as was the custom." He saw it as a "reversion to Indian habits that the Spanish were trying to break."
Explorers in New France found no easily exploitable natural resources. They did find fur. They were able to convert native bands into commercial hunters who traded pelts for European goods. Traders had no choice but to learn the languages and trading rituals of natives. If the priests wanted to convert mobile societies, they had to follow traders and persuade by example.
In 1700, when the War of Spanish Succession began, alliances with native groups became critical to the military success of France, England, and Spain. When the missionary François-Jolliet de Montigny settled with the Taensa near the confluence of the Yazoo and Mississippi rivers in 1703, he didn’t destroy their temple.
When a smallpox epidemic ravaged the village, he baptized dying infants and those adults he believed understood the purpose of his prayers. When the chief died, he didn’t interfere with the death rituals. He only acted to persuade people not to make human sacrifices.
He was away when the temple burned and women began throwing infants into the fire. It was only then other Frenchmen in the village contravened native customs.
Like the coureurs and priests Juan de Ulibarrí was expected to provide information on indios bárbaros when he went to El Cuartelejo for the governor. He reported the Jicarilla "were very good people; that had not stolen anything from anyone, but occupied themselves with their maize and corn fields which they harvest, because they are busy with the sowing of corn, frijoles, and pumpkins."
After talking with the El Cuartelejo, he wrote: "The first thing is they are more inclined toward our Catholic faith than any of those that are thus reduced." He added, "at the end of July they had gathered crops of Indian corn, watermelons, pumpkins, and kidney beans [...] So that, because of the fertility of the land, the docility of the people, and the abundance of buffalo, and other game, the propagation of our holy Catholic faith could be advanced very much."
Compare that to the 1673 meeting between the Jesuit priest, Jacques Marquette, and the Illinois. He described the calumet dance in detail, and noted: "They have several wives, of whom they are Extremely jealous; they watch them very closely, and Cut off Their noses or ears when they misbehave." Of their food, he said:
"They live by hunting, game being plentiful in that country, and on indian corn, of which they always have a good crop; consequently, they have never suffered from famine. They also sow beans and melons, which are Excellent, especially those that have red seeds. Their Squashes are not of the best; they dry them in the sun, to eat them during The winter and the spring."
He adds, "Their Cabins are very large, and are Roofed and floored with mats made of Rushes" and "They are liberal in cases of illness, and Think that the effect of the medicines administered to them is in proportion to the presents given to the physician."
It was perhaps too much to expect soldiers to make the same kind of ethnographic observations as priests. It wasn’t simply that the ones were more educated than the others. The ability of a good military leader to locate water in barren lands and ensure the safety of hundreds of horses in treacherous terrain was simply different.
Ulibarrí had a priest with him. So far as I know, he made no report. He stayed with the Spaniards when Ulibarrí was meeting with El Cuartelejo leaders. It was only after the chief took them to a cross that Domingo de Aranz appeared to consummate the pacification and intone "the Te Deum Laudemus and the rest of the prayers and sang three times the hymn in praise of the sacrament."
They were given a hymn of praise, but not a full mass. They weren’t yet professors of the faith.
Notes: Montigny was one of the missionaries sent by the Séminaire des Missions Étrangères in 1698; see posting for 17 May 2015.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Flores Magollón, Juan Ignacio. Order, 30 April 1714, quoted by Frederic J. Athearn in A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978. The translation does not indicate which pueblo was involved.
Gallay, Alan. The Indian Slave Trade, 2002; on Montigny.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
Santa Cruz Militia
Two military ranks appeared in diligencias matrimoniales: capitánes of the militia and soldiers in the presidio. The latter included sargentos and sargento mayors. Other ranks existed in Santa Fé, but these were the ones known in Santa Cruz.
Thomas Naylor said New Spain paid its soldiers so poorly, few would enlist. Only the worst were turned away. In 1708, charges were brought against Martín García and six men under his command for mistreating men at Galisteo. Cristóbal Lucero stabbed one in the head. Miguel Durán threw others off scaffolds. García himself ordered Lorenzo Rodríguez to tie, hang, and whip a man.
There was no death penalty for Lucero killing a man. The Duque de Albuquerque wanted him sentenced to a distant presidio and the others warned. The viceroy was overruled by his auditor generals of war. In 1710, they suggested García also be sentenced to another presidio and Durán be warned. One of the pardoned, Alonso Garcia de Noriega, was the nephew of Leonor Domínguez and Alonso Rael de Aguilar. Their uncle Lázaro had been killed at Galisteo in 1680.
Low wages meant few soldiers could afford families. With no patrimony, their sons enlisted and their daughters had few prospects. The only man who married in Santa Cruz in these years was a second generation soldier. Miguel Tenorio de Alba had risen to capitán by the time he wed Agustína Romero in 1705. She was the daughter of Salvador Romero and María López de Ocanto.
The only military men called to witness Santa Cruz weddings were Sargento Ambrosio Fresqui in 1703 and Alonso Fernandéz in 1701. The one was likely the son or grandson of Capitán Juan Fresqui. The other had come from Sombrerete with his father. Capitán Juan Fernandéz de la Pedrera had migrated from Galicia.
A division without a name existed between militia capitáns and their men. Francisco Cuervo reviewed the troops in Santa Cruz in April of 1705. Eight-three men showed, but only twenty-three had horses or mules. Twenty-two had no weapons. It’s not known if two-thirds of the men had had animals they sold, if the animals they had been issued when the villa was settled had grown old, or if they never had had horses or mules.
When Roque de Madrid pursued the Navajo in August of that year, all the men were mounted and had spare animals. Cuervo had brought 600 horses from Nuevo Vizcaya. There were more than 700 horses in Madrid’s campaign herd, including those of the "Indian allies."
When Madrid started across the highlands west of the Tusas, he sent "war captains from the Tewa and Picurís nations" ahead to suggest a route. When they returned, "they laid before me as many difficulties and inconveniences as they possibly could." He ignored them to "follow the slope and the breaks of the mountains by a route no Spaniard or person from any other nation had taken until now," but did take the precaution of doubling the squadron for the horses.
A few days later, he sent his scouts ahead again, and "they returned to me and raised even greater objections to my entrada." Madrid "paid them no heed, because my mind was made up to continue until I saw everything to its conclusion."
Juan de Ulibarrí was sent across the prairies to El Cuartelejo in 1706. They met other Apache who warned them of dangerous bands ahead. He thanked them for their advice, "but I was trusting in our God who was the creator of everything and who was to keep us free from the present dangers."
Later, after they had crossed the Arkansas river, Ulibarrí’s pueblo guides warned him, "we would undergo much suffering because there was no water." The men got lost following hummocks of grass left as a trail by the Apache, but two scouts did find water. The next day, they got lost again. This time "I, with the experience of the preceding day, scattered the whole command" and so found a dry arroyo with a spring.
After they had fought several successful battles with the Navajo, Madrid called a council of "active officials, military leaders, and reserves." The horses were suffering, the men were sick from eating green corn. He asked what was "appropriate" for "a soldier’s honor."
They answered, the enemy would now hide from fear of their weapons, and so little would be gained from pursuing them. They felt it was time to "withdraw our forces to the royal presidio."
When Ulibarrí needed to violate colonial policy against arming natives by providing them with a gun in exchange for one they had taken from the Pawnee, he called a meeting of his advisors. "We had agreed by common consent that it was better to hand it over to them so that in no way should they lack confidence in our word."
There was one other division within the military, the one between men like Madrid and Ulibarrí and the men they commanded. When he was determining the best strategy for dealing with the Navajo, Madrid said he feared "the treachery of these barbarians because of my many years of experience fighting them."
But it was more than experience. It took judgement, intuition and an ability to learn from the unexpected to chart paths through unexplored wilderness, intelligence to devise ruses to trick the Navajo, and wisdom to listen to the tenor of what men said.
Such military virtues were universally recognized. Jacques Marquette said of his commander, Louis Joliet: "He possesses Tact and prudence, which are the chief qualities necessary for the success of a voyage as dangerous as it is difficult. Finally, he has the Courage to dread nothing where everything is to be Feared."
Notes: The roster doesn’t exist from Madrid’s campaign, so it’s impossible to know how many horses were available to each man.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Hendricks; Madrid quotations.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Hendricks, Rick and John P. Wilson. The Navajos in 1705, 1996; on Cuervo.
Naylor, Thomas H., Diana Hadley, and Mardith K. Schuetz-Miller. The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain, volume 2, part 2, 1997; on trial of Martín García. The records they transcribed didn’t name all six men.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.
Thomas Naylor said New Spain paid its soldiers so poorly, few would enlist. Only the worst were turned away. In 1708, charges were brought against Martín García and six men under his command for mistreating men at Galisteo. Cristóbal Lucero stabbed one in the head. Miguel Durán threw others off scaffolds. García himself ordered Lorenzo Rodríguez to tie, hang, and whip a man.
There was no death penalty for Lucero killing a man. The Duque de Albuquerque wanted him sentenced to a distant presidio and the others warned. The viceroy was overruled by his auditor generals of war. In 1710, they suggested García also be sentenced to another presidio and Durán be warned. One of the pardoned, Alonso Garcia de Noriega, was the nephew of Leonor Domínguez and Alonso Rael de Aguilar. Their uncle Lázaro had been killed at Galisteo in 1680.
Low wages meant few soldiers could afford families. With no patrimony, their sons enlisted and their daughters had few prospects. The only man who married in Santa Cruz in these years was a second generation soldier. Miguel Tenorio de Alba had risen to capitán by the time he wed Agustína Romero in 1705. She was the daughter of Salvador Romero and María López de Ocanto.
The only military men called to witness Santa Cruz weddings were Sargento Ambrosio Fresqui in 1703 and Alonso Fernandéz in 1701. The one was likely the son or grandson of Capitán Juan Fresqui. The other had come from Sombrerete with his father. Capitán Juan Fernandéz de la Pedrera had migrated from Galicia.
A division without a name existed between militia capitáns and their men. Francisco Cuervo reviewed the troops in Santa Cruz in April of 1705. Eight-three men showed, but only twenty-three had horses or mules. Twenty-two had no weapons. It’s not known if two-thirds of the men had had animals they sold, if the animals they had been issued when the villa was settled had grown old, or if they never had had horses or mules.
When Roque de Madrid pursued the Navajo in August of that year, all the men were mounted and had spare animals. Cuervo had brought 600 horses from Nuevo Vizcaya. There were more than 700 horses in Madrid’s campaign herd, including those of the "Indian allies."
When Madrid started across the highlands west of the Tusas, he sent "war captains from the Tewa and Picurís nations" ahead to suggest a route. When they returned, "they laid before me as many difficulties and inconveniences as they possibly could." He ignored them to "follow the slope and the breaks of the mountains by a route no Spaniard or person from any other nation had taken until now," but did take the precaution of doubling the squadron for the horses.
A few days later, he sent his scouts ahead again, and "they returned to me and raised even greater objections to my entrada." Madrid "paid them no heed, because my mind was made up to continue until I saw everything to its conclusion."
Juan de Ulibarrí was sent across the prairies to El Cuartelejo in 1706. They met other Apache who warned them of dangerous bands ahead. He thanked them for their advice, "but I was trusting in our God who was the creator of everything and who was to keep us free from the present dangers."
Later, after they had crossed the Arkansas river, Ulibarrí’s pueblo guides warned him, "we would undergo much suffering because there was no water." The men got lost following hummocks of grass left as a trail by the Apache, but two scouts did find water. The next day, they got lost again. This time "I, with the experience of the preceding day, scattered the whole command" and so found a dry arroyo with a spring.
After they had fought several successful battles with the Navajo, Madrid called a council of "active officials, military leaders, and reserves." The horses were suffering, the men were sick from eating green corn. He asked what was "appropriate" for "a soldier’s honor."
They answered, the enemy would now hide from fear of their weapons, and so little would be gained from pursuing them. They felt it was time to "withdraw our forces to the royal presidio."
When Ulibarrí needed to violate colonial policy against arming natives by providing them with a gun in exchange for one they had taken from the Pawnee, he called a meeting of his advisors. "We had agreed by common consent that it was better to hand it over to them so that in no way should they lack confidence in our word."
There was one other division within the military, the one between men like Madrid and Ulibarrí and the men they commanded. When he was determining the best strategy for dealing with the Navajo, Madrid said he feared "the treachery of these barbarians because of my many years of experience fighting them."
But it was more than experience. It took judgement, intuition and an ability to learn from the unexpected to chart paths through unexplored wilderness, intelligence to devise ruses to trick the Navajo, and wisdom to listen to the tenor of what men said.
Such military virtues were universally recognized. Jacques Marquette said of his commander, Louis Joliet: "He possesses Tact and prudence, which are the chief qualities necessary for the success of a voyage as dangerous as it is difficult. Finally, he has the Courage to dread nothing where everything is to be Feared."
Notes: The roster doesn’t exist from Madrid’s campaign, so it’s impossible to know how many horses were available to each man.
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Hendricks; Madrid quotations.
Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Hendricks, Rick and John P. Wilson. The Navajos in 1705, 1996; on Cuervo.
Naylor, Thomas H., Diana Hadley, and Mardith K. Schuetz-Miller. The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain, volume 2, part 2, 1997; on trial of Martín García. The records they transcribed didn’t name all six men.
Marquette, Jacques. Journal included in Claude Dablon’s "Le Premier Voÿage Qu’a Fait Le P. Marquette vers le Nouveau Mexique," translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, volume 59, 1899.
Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.
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