Cristóbal Tafoya

Cristóbal Tafoya Altamirano was raised in the Michoacán mining town of Tlalpujahua with his younger brothers Juan and Antonio.  Before the Reconquest, Antonio was serving in the presidio at Cuencamé, a mining area in Durango being attacked by the Tobosa.  Both he and Cristóbal were on the payroll of the Santa Fé presidio in 1697.

They became entangled in the political feud between Diego de Vargas and his successor, Pedro Cubero.  In 1696, Cristóbal was in jail for stealing cattle along with Bartolomé Sánchez of Querétaro and Miguel Gutíerrez of San Luis Potosí.  Antonio Gutíerrez de Figueroa of Zacatecas claimed de Vargas sent the three “gifts of chocolate, knives, and anything else they sent to ask of him” and that he asked Francisco de Anaya Almazán “to drop his complaint.”

The following year, Cubero was using Cristóbal’s brother as a courier to deliver documents to the viceroy.  Since Cubero believed de Vargas ally Juan Páez Hurtado wanted to kill Juan Tafoya, one can assume the packet was related to the case Cubero was building against Vargas.

Whether the brothers, in fact, were committed conspirators, or simply men looking for ways to profit from the venality of their superiors is open to interpretation.  Others made protestations against involvement.  Antonio Gutíerrez protested that de Vargas’ assistant, Alfonso Rael de Aguilar, “should not involve him in those matters.”  Similarly, the man who testified about Juan Tafoya, Juan Roque Gutíerrez, claimed he and Miguel de Herrera had told a representative from de Vargas “they did not want to get involved in such a big, complicated mess.”

A year later, in 1698, Cristóbal married Miguel de Herrera’s sister, Isabel.  That placed him amongst survivors from the Pueblo Revolt who were hoping to recoup their losses.  Miguel and Isabel were the children of Ana López del Castillo and Juan de Herrera who held the encomienda of Santa Clara.  Juan was dead before the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, but family grievances no doubt were perpetuated.

The association with refugee families in El Paso had been formed earlier.  Cristóbal fathered a child by Lucía Varela Jaramillo, probably before the widow remarried in 1696.  Her father, Pedro, had escaped the Pueblo Revolt as a 60-year-old capitán.  Her first husband, Bartolomé Romero de Pedraza, had been an adjutant in Santa Fé with land in La Cañada.  Witnesses for her second wedding included Fernando Durán y Chaves and Baltasar Romero.

Cristóbal’s brother Antonio married María Louisa Godines in 1697.  She was the 17-year-old widow of Alonso García de Noriega, the uncle of both Leonor Domínguez Mendoza and Alonso Rael de Aguilar.  The likely atmosphere in their family circle was discussed in the post for 5 April 2015.

In 1707 Cristóbal and Juan were in trouble again for stealing oxen.  Juan had married Josefa Pacheco, the widow of José Baca.  After she died in 1707, her great-uncle Nicolás Ortiz brought suit over the mistreatment of one her daughters and the abuse of an Indian captive, perhaps one of the Apache he had sponsored in 1705.

When Juan tried to marry another member of the extended Baca clan in 1708, the illegitimate stepsister of María Durán y Chaves claimed she had had relations with Juan and that Cristóbal knew about it.  At the time Juan had one known illegitimate son, Cristóbal.  Angélico Chávez didn’t think the marriage of Fernando Durán y Chaves’s daughter occurred.

It’s not known when Cristóbal retired from the military.  His brother Antonio remained with the presidio, and was with Juan Páez Hurtado in his 1715 expedition against the Faraón Apache.

Cristóbal made his will in 1718.  At that time he had two sons, Juan and Antonio, and acknowledged two daughters by other women, Antonia Tafoya Jaramillo and Gertrudis de Tafoya Ruiz.  His brother Anthony’s oldest boy, Cristóbal, also lived in his household.

He declared he had “a ranch with its necessary lands for agriculture” along with “seventy-eight head of cattle and four yoke of oxen, together with equipment and a cart. Thirty head of sheep. Fifty-four head of horses and mares, and three mules.”

After this, the record becomes confusing.  Cristóbal’s older son, Juan, had married a cousin, Antonia González Bas, in 1716.  Her parents were María López del Castillo and Juan González Bas.  González was the great-grandson of Juan Griego and Pascula Bernal through their daughter Isabel Bernal.  María was the daughter of Pedro López del Castillo and María de Ortega.

Cristóbal’s wife’s grandfather was Diego López del Castillo.  He migrated from Sevilla and may have come north with the military or may have followed Matías López del Castillo, who had been in the solider escort for the Santa Fé supply train in 1628.   Diego married María de la Cruz Alemán in 1664.  She was the granddaughter of Juan Griego and Pascula Bernal through their son Juan Griego.

Chávez suspects the two men were brothers.  He doesn’t guess if Pedro was the son of one or related to a brother who remained in México or Spain.

Juan’s brother, Antonio, married his wife’s sister, Prudencia González Bas, in 1722.  These marriages reinforced the brothers’ ties to the Juan de Herrera inheritance of their mother.  Two years later they made their claim for Santa Clara land, perhaps land they thought was rightfully theirs.

The death date of their father Cristóbal became obscured when a man who said he was their father was present when the Santa Clara protested the grant in 1724.  Cristóbal Torres, the alcalde for Santa Clara, should have recognized Cristóbal and would have heard if here dead.

This was the same Cristóbal Torres mentioned in the post for 21 October 2015 who was distributing some of the land in his 1724 grant along the Chama river to the widowed María Margarita Trujillo.  In 1719, the daughter of Jose Trujillo and Antonia Luján had married the 20-year-old illegitimate son of the senior Tafoya’s brother Juan.  To keep the Cristóbals straight, they called this one El Moso.

Notes: Juan de Herrera was discussed in the post for 13 April 2014.  The Spanish origins of the Tafoyas aren’t known.  Altamirano usually refers to someone from the area of Altamira in Cantabria.

Arias de Quirós, Diego. “Report on the Costs for One Hundred Soldiers of Santa Fe,” August 1697?, in Kessell 2000.

Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.

_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.  Fernando Durán y Chaves was an ancestor of Chávez.

Gutíerrez, Juan Roque. Statement, 3 December 1697, in Kessell, 2000.

Gutíerrez de Figueroa, Antonio. Statement, 3 December 1697, in Kessell, 2000.

Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks, Meredith D. Dodge, and Larry D. Miller. That Disturbances Cease, 2000.

_____, _____, _____. To the Royal Crown Restored, 1995.

Tafoya, Cristobal. Will, 1718, republished by Henrietta Martinez Christmas, “Cristobal Tafoya - 1718 Will,” 1598 New Mexico website, 7 July 2014.

Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; contains 1715 rosters for August 28 and August 30 for Juan Páez Hurtado expedition.

Militia Duty

Nuevo México was less reliant on its civilian militia between 1714 and 1733 than it had been in years immediately after the Reconquest. Military requirements changed from assaults on established settlements that defied colonial authority to defenses against raids by highly mobile native bands.

The one had required massive forces for short periods in discrete locations. Expeditions to the frontiers took men away for weeks in summer and fall. People dependent on their crops to eat could not afford that time.

When Juan Páez Hurtado led an expedition against the Faraón Apache in 1715, he took 21 settlers with 36 soldiers and 149 auxiliaries. Everyone, military and civilian, reported fully armed with horses or mules. It took more than two weeks during harvest season, August 30 to September 14, to reach their destination, and probably less time to return.

The following year, Félix Martínez prepared a campaign against the Moqui. He apparently had trouble raising troops to go so far west. He offered pardons to any Español or Pueblo man under sentence if he enlisted. Only three took his offer: Antonio López, Marcos Montoya, and Felix Martines. In addition, he took ten men from San Juan and four from Santa Clara.

Three years later, in 1719, Antonio Valverde led an expedition against the Utes and Comanches that included 60 men from the presidio with "45 settlers and volunteers." In addition there were "30 natives of [torn out] prepared for war with their arms."

They left Taos on September 20, at the end of harvest season, and agreed to return a month later, on October 22. Again, they probably didn’t take as long getting home, though they took a different route.

The changed attitude towards service was reflected in the lack of supplies the volunteers brought. Valverde had to provide them with ammunition and leather jackets. He also contributed 75 horses and mules. They must have come from a poorer segment of society that did those who rode with Páez.

Pedro Villasur led troops on a search for the French in 1720. He took 42 men from the presidio with 60 auxiliaries from the pueblos. Except for the priest, the others were all retired military men or civilian capitánes: José López Naranjo of Santa Cruz, Cristóbal de la Serna of Embudo, and Jean l’Archevêque of Santa Fé.

They left Santa Fé on June 16, and were ambushed two months later, on August 13^th or 14^th. The dead included 31 from the presidio, at least 11 from the pueblos, and all the non-presidio men.

Each expedition took twice as long as the previous one, growing from a one way trip of two weeks to one for a month to one for two months. Apart from the increasing time commitments, established men may have felt different loyalties to a leader of the Reconquest like Diego de Vargas, who was tasked with protecting them, and to one of the later political appointees who obeyed orders governed by Spain’s fractious relations with France. Participation in the one was ennobling. Involvement with the other was not.

The rank of capitán was still prestigious, but bivouacs were not. Santa Cruz diligencias matrimoniales in these years indicated the capitánes were all fathers of participants or witnesses, not grooms. All but one were alive before the Reconquest when military valor was expected. The post-Reconquest generation hadn’t assumed that role.

At the same time settlers were less inclined to join military campaigns, men in the presidios were withdrawing into their private world. They began to see civilians as little more than elevated servants to be given the most distasteful tasks like sentry duty.

There was probably no great turnover in forces, and in the years after the Reconquest, many have been local recruits. Veterans had found ways to supplement their income. They could afford to marry and dabble in real estate. Their sons enlisted. They and their daughters married others whose fathers were soldiers.

Before 1720, most of the soldiers who married women in Santa Cruz were widowers and their second wives were related to local capitánes or other military men. Felipe Pacheco married the daughter of Capitán Sebastían Martín, Bernardo Fernández married Sebastían niece, and Melchor de Herrera married the widow of Matías Martín. He was the son of Sebastían’s cousin Domingo Martín Serrano and Josefa de Herrera.

The other widowers who married in Santa Cruz were Roque de Madrid and Juan Trujillo, who married Roque’s granddaughter. María Madrid’s mother was Antonia de la Serna, Cristobal’s niece.

Joaquin de Anaya was a widower who married Domingo Martín Serrano’s daughter. There’s no indication he was in the presidio. The two soldiers who witnessed his marriage probably knew his deceased father, Sargento Mayor Francisco de Anaya.

Antonio García de Perea was a soldier, but not a widower when he married the daughter of the one-time alférez of Chama. Diego Gonzales was dead when two soldiers confirmed their right to marry.

After the Villasur disaster, few presidio men married women in Santa Cruz. Julian Madrid, the son of Roque, married the daughter of one of Sebastían Martín’s nephews. Antonio de Armenta married a soldier’s widow.

Two men who married local women were sons of soldiers who had acquired land in Santa Cruz. Pablo Manuel Trujillo, the son of Capitán Baltasar Trujillo, married the daughter of Capitán Diego Márquez. Antonio de Santisteban, the son of Ayudante Salvador de Santisteban, married Francisca Fernández Valerio, whose father was probably somehow related through Bernardo Fernández’s first wife, an unknown Valerio.

In ten years, from 1720 to 1730, there were only four alliances between Santa Cruz and the presidio. It was clear that settlers in the north were beginning to want a professional soldiery, and the men in the presidio were becoming a self-sufficient community thirty miles away.

Notes:
Athearn, Frederic J. A Forgotten Kingdom, 1978; has details on Martínez campaign against the Moqui.

Chávez, Angélico. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982, contains the diligencias matrimoniales.

_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.

Páez Hurtado, Juan. Lists of soldiers, settlers, and Pueblo auxiliaries, in Thomas.

Thomas, Alfred B. After Coronado, 1935; also contains details on Villasur expedition.

Valverde y Cosío, Antonio. Diary of the campaign against the Ute and Comanche, 1719, reprinted by Thomas.


Capitánes named in diligencias matrimoniales between 1714 and 1730
Alive at time of 1680 revolt. Dates of birth at left were calculated from ages and may be inaccurate: the ages may be guesses, and the calculations may be off a year since no months are given.

         Juan de Archuleta, deceased in 1714, father of groom
         José López Naranjo, father of groom
         Cristóbal de la Serna, father of bride
1631 Luís Martín, deceased in 1716, father of groom, bride
1668 Cristóbal de Torres, father of bride
1668 José Trujillo, father of bride, groom
1670 Baltasar Trujillo, father of groom
1671 Sebastían Martín, father of bride
1671 Miguel Tenorio de Alba, witness, married
1672 Ignacio de Roybal, notary
1674 Diego de Medina, deceased in 1717, father of bride, groom

Alive at time of Reconquest
1681 Diego Márquez, father of bride

Santa Cruz Militia Rosters

The identities of many who served in these years from Santa Cruz, Santa Clara and San Juan are lost. No roster survives from Roque de Madrid’s 1705 campaign against the Navajo. The man who chronicled the campaign, Antonio Álvarez Castrillón, mentioned few in the company. He did, however, remark the skills of Juan Roque Gutíerrez, the campaign captain who guided the horses through "the middle of a forest so thick and close that the animals got stuck."

There’s no published roster for Juan de Ulibarrí’s expedition the next year to El Cuartelejo. He says he received an "enlistment list" that included 28 from the presidio, 12 from the militia, and 100 auxiliaries. He added men went he stopped at Picurís.

Ulibarrí is the only one who signed his report. In it he mentions Sargento Bartolomé Sánchez, who found a ford across a swollen stream. Later he sends Ensign Ambrosia Fresqui and Capitán José López Naranjo to find water. Ulibarrí also names Francisco de Valdés and Jean l’Archevêque.

Castrillón’s report was signed by nine men, besides himself and Madrid. Six had ties to Santa Cruz: José Domínguez de Mendoza, Cristóbal de la Serna, Juan Roque Gutíerrez, Miguel de Herrera, José López Naranjo, and Mateo Trujillo. The first two were capitánes whose families had lived in the Río Abajo before the Revolt.

The second two were soldiers from the presidio. Gutíerrez had married the daughter of a capitán, Luis Martín, in 1690. Herrera was raised in La Cañada. Both were the sons of soldiers. Trujillo had come north as a soldier, then claimed land. On this expedition he was a squadron leader.

The other signatories included two who were part of the presidio and later assigned to Santa Cruz as alcaldes: Cristóbal de Arellano and Tomás López Holguín. Martín García was also part of the presidio. He’s the one who would be exiled in 1710 for abusing native workers at Galisteo.

As for the auxiliaries, Madrid noted sixteen joined them from Tesuque, when they were en route to Picurís, and forty came there from Taos. In addition he mentioned Pamuje, a Tewa speaker, and Dirucaca from Jémez as men who gave him conflicting advice on a route. When he wanted to distract the Navajo while he positioned men to attack, he sent Naranjo and the governor of Zia. Their seconds were Juan Griego from San Juan and another war captain.

The other capitánes, militia men and auxiliaries were anonymous. Only one was killed, "and he was an Indian."

Notes:
Castrillón, Antonio Álvarez. Campaign journal for Roque Madrid’s campaign against the Navajo, republished in Hendricks.

Hendricks, Rick and John P. Wilson. The Navajos in 1705, 1996; biographies of men mentioned in journal.

Ulibarrí, Juan de. Diary of expedition to El Cuartelejo, 1706, in Alfred B. Thomas, After Coronado, 1935.

New Mexico Politics

Governors were a new world innovation within the Spanish governmental hierarchy created to handle frontier settlements too far from Mexico City for direct supervision by the viceroy. According to Charles Cutter, they had military, administrative, fiscal, and judicial responsibilities similar to those of alcaldes in Mexico City and Zacatecas.

Community expectations for governors may have fueled the conflict between Diego de Vargas and the man who followed him in power, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero. He had been appointed governor on 6 June 1692, but did not assume office until 2 July 1697. Legally, de Vargas was the military leader, and maintained his position through conventions of martial law.

The event that may have persuaded Cubero to accept the governorship was a change in leadership in Mexico City. The viceroy who had sponsored de Vargas, Gaspar de la Cerda, resigned on 26 February 1696. His successor, José Sarmeinto Valladares, didn’t take office until 18 December 1696. The Bishop of Michoacán, Juan Ortega y Montañés, served in the interim.

Cubero restored the civil authority of the cabildo in Santa Fé. It responded by charging de Vargas with failing to fulfill his public functions during the famine of 1696 by not supplying enough corn. In Mexico City and Zacatecas cabildos were responsible for procuring and distributing the food supply. In extraordinary circumstances, like the famine in Mexico City in 1697, Cubero’s viceroyal patron became active.

When de Vargas returned as governor in November of 1703, the cabildo charged Cubero with neglecting his duty to protect the people by abandoning the frontier post of Santa Cruz. It said, "there were very large houses and a plaza with a chapel and convento, all behind a door and parapets" when Vargas settled the villa. Now, it said, the settlement was "laid waste and ruined, with the wood and adobes removed and only the foundations remaining."

De Vargas believed the northern outpost must remain compact to be defendable, and populated to serve its defense function for the colony. He also believed peaceful relations with the pueblos depended on keeping them separated from the españoles.

Cubero acquiesced to the desires of the people de Vargas had settled in Santa Cruz. Some wanted more land to sustain themselves, others wanted to return to the more urbanized Santa Fé.

The only land grants in the Santa Cruz area that survive in the archives from the time of de Vargas, were small. The half fanega he gave Tomás de Herrera y Sandoval near Chimayó in 1695 was three-quarters of an acre, enough to plant half a fanega of corn seed. That would support one adult and maybe a small child for a year, with some left for seed.

Cubero approved larger grants, and allowed many to move near pueblos. In 1698, he granted eight fanegas of wheat land to Juan de Archuleta near San Juan. He also granted land to Juan de la Mora Pineda.

The next year he ceded a rancho and lands to Francisco Guerrero de la Mora. In 1700, he granted lands on the Chama river to Diego Trujillo and Catalina Griego, and lands between Santa Clara and San Ildefonso to Mateo Trujillo. He also let José Trujillo have the lands near the Black Mesa that had belonged to Francisco Jiménez and Ambrosia Saenz before the Revolt, and granted land to Luis Martín.

Few records of private land transfers exist for the time de Vargas was in control. Gertrudis de Barreras y Sandoval sold half a fanega of land in 1695 to Mateo Trujillo.

As soon as Cubero arrived, Juan de Archuleta began acquiring land from people in Santa Cruz. In 1697 he received a rancho from Manuel Vallejo González, and the next year a rancho from Tomás Jirón de Texeda that had belonged to Alonzo del Río. His widow, Isabel González, consolidated his holdings in 1698 with land that Pedro de la Cruz had conveyed to Manual Vallejo.

In March of 1703, Diego González and Ambrosio Fresqui filed a denuncia, or statement of criminal activity, notifying Cubero that Felipe de Arratia had fenced off a section of the road to Chimayó. His actions forced carters to use a narrow, muddy road near the Santa Cruz river. They appealed to Cubero’s fiscal responsibilities when they noted "the camino real should remain open because it is royal property."

Cubero asked his lieutenant alcalde mayor, Matías Madrid, to determine the facts. All the witnesses agreed the traditional road limited Arratia’s ability to grow crops. They also agreed the road by the river was hazardous for oxen bringing vigas down from Chimayó. One even suggested it would be a good place for an Apache ambush.

The governor’s responsibilities as judge required him to give precedence to community harmony, equidad, over those of individuals. Madrid persuaded Arratia to reopen the road. Despite bickering in Santa Fé, the rudiments of civil law were functioning in Santa Cruz.

Notes:
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995.

Fat Knowledge. "How Many People Can the Earth Support?, 30 November 2008 blog posting. He calculates a "bushel of corn can support a person for 52 days at 2,400 kcal/day with 25.4kg/bushel)," or 7 bushels a year. I reduced that number, since nutritional values may be greater today.

Gibson, Charles. The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, 1964. He calculates the corn yield in a good year would have been 75 to 125 fanegas for one sown, with 11 fanega or 17 bushels an acre. That would mean .75 acres would produce 12.75 bushels.

Rowlett, Ross. "How Many? A Dictionary of Units of Measure," 2001, website. He says, "one fanega of land grows one fanega of corn seed." It was standardized to 1.59 acres in 1801, or .75 acres for a half fanega.

Santa Fé Cabildo. Certification, 2 December 1703," included in A Settling of Accounts, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, Meredith D. Dodge, and Larry R. Miller.

Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914. When entries with the same names appear in different years, it’s hard to determine if they are separate transactions or continuations of the same.

La Cañada - Encomenderos

An encomienda was more important to defining a family’s social status than land. Its owner, an encomendero, was required to be a citizen of Santa Fé where he was usually on the governing council, the cabildo. He was also required to provide military service, which made him part of the officer corps. They became the functioning shadow government that ruled the colony through the triennial changes in governors sent from México City. Indian labor, tribute, land and wealth followed.

Juan de Herrera came with the reinforcements sent in 1600 when he was twenty, and lived in Santa Fé where he married Ana López del Castillo, a granddaughter of Asencio de Arechuleta. He was granted the encomienda of Santa Clara pueblo for his lifetime.

When Luis Pérez Granillo surveyed La Cañada in 1695 he noted Marcos de Herrera had a hacienda with “only enough land for one citizen with his family” and across the arroyo he had “another suerte and some agricultural fields.” Not only was the land separated but the location may have been less than prime. Granillo said the “house, because it was next to the arroyo or stream, was carried away by a great flood that occurred.”

The most important thing about his land was that it was next to ‘another suerte of agricultural lands follows that the convento of Santa Clara Pueblo owned and held.”

Angélico Chávez could find no tie between Marcos and Juan or his children. From the location, one may guess Marcos was an agent of the family who lived near the Santa Clara pueblo to collect tribute and otherwise oversee family interests.

Chávez noted in his own family, that the family name was often given to Indian servants or their children. He recognized some were illegitimate babies the family was willing to raise and give some position as adults.

Marcos married Francisca Gutiérrez, whose origins are equally obscure. She could be descended from Domingo Gutiérrez, one the Canary Islanders in the 1600 group, or related to Gonzalo Hernández de Benhumea who came at the same time. He brought his wife, Juana Gutiérrez, daughter, Isabel Gutiérrez, and a mulatto named Isabel. Juana’s father, Hernán Gutiérrez, lived in Morón, now part of Tamaulipas which wasn’t conquered until 1554.

The Montoya family is another with encomiendas and obscure descendants. Granillo said the “hacienda that belonged to Bartolomé Montoya is next to the arroyo. Only the ruins of the house in which he lived can be seen. It also has lands for only one citizen.”

Bartolomé Montoya arrived with the reinforcements that arrived in 1600. He had been born near Sevilla and married María de Zamora, whose father, Pedro de Zamora, had been alcalde mayor of Oaxaca. They had two daughters, three sons, and servants.

His son, Diego de Montoya lived in Santa Fé where he married Ana Martín. Her mother was supposedly poisoned by her father’s mistress, María Bernal, a granddaughter of Juan Griego. They had three children, before she died, and he remarried a widow with three girls who sometimes took his name.

Diego’s son Bartolomé inherited the encomienda of San Pedro Pueblo. Chávez believes he’s the same Bartolomé Montoya who escaped the revolt and was described as destitute in 1680. He had seven children, but Chávez couldn’t trace them from there.

The only Montoya he finds associated with the villa of Santa Cruz after the reconquest is Felipe Montoya who settled in Bernalillo after the reconquest. His daughter, María, married Cristóbal Martín Serrano, son of Hernán Martín Serrano and nephew of Luis.

Felipe’s son, Clemente, married Josefa de Herrera (Luján) in Santa Cruz in 1701 and died in 1753. The only Josefa de Herrera he mentions is the daughter of Juan de Herrera, who married Domingo Martín Serrano, the probable brother of Marí’s husband.

Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.

_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.

Gordejuela, Juan de. “Women Who Joined Don Juan de Oñate’s New Mexican Settlement; The Gordejuela Inspection, 1600,” available on Southwest Crossroads website.

Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.