The rosary is a selective narrative of Christ’s life. The gospels described his birth, his deeds, and his death. The Joyful Mysteries focus on the first, the Sorrowful and the Glorious on the last. The Luminous Mysteries, which touch only a few events in the adult savior’s life, weren’t introduced until 2002 by John Paul II.
The popular imagination only seems able to embrace one ceremonial event a year. It’s either the birth, which dominates in this country today with Christmas, or it’s the death, which was reenacted in recent memory by the Penitentes.
When Franciscans first followed Hernan Cortés, the Aztecs were using music and dance in rituals that celebrated the December birth of Huitzilopochtli. Some agreed to be baptized after Pedro de Gante wrote religious songs in Nahuatl for a nativity in 1525. He said, they heard "the angels sing: Today the Redeemer of the Earth is born!"
Nativity customs spread so quickly among local communities, Dominicans and Jesuits adopted the Franciscans’ use of drama. The street theater that produced the first Christmas plays in Mexico City flourished. While it became less popular in the seventeenth century, fragments continued to be performed.
No doubt Miguel de Quintana learned to compose in the coloquio form when he was in school in Mexico City. The identity of the person who asked him to use his skill in Santa Cruz to create Christmas dramas is impossible to answer. If it were a friar, the most likely man, based on chronology, was Juan Mínguez, whose death in 1720 opened the Santa Cruz sanctuary to itinerants.
Mínguez was from the same social milieu in the capital as Quintana, and just a few years younger. Jim Norris didn’t know his age when he professed, but he was at least 15 when Quintana came north at age 22. The friar’s father was an artisan from Spain who lived in Mexico City. His mother’s father was a merchant from Parral. Quintana’s godfather, Agustín Flores Urrutia de Vergara, was a constable to the Inquisition. His wife’s grandfather had prospected for minerals around Parral.
The man who denounced Quintana, Manuel de Sopeña, was 21 years old in 1707 when Mínguez, was at least 29. All that’s known of his family was his father migrated from Vizcaya and married Francisca de Velarde in Mexico City. Like Mínguez, Sopeña entered the Franciscan order in Mexico City. The decade between their noviates coincided with the first years of the transition from the Hapsburgs whom the Franciscans supported and the Bourbons whom they were opposing in the War for Spanish Succession.
The identity of the person who asked Quintana to write a new coloquio in 1726 was hidden at the time to prevent criticisms directed at the author ricocheting onto the patron. However, everything suggests the person who asked was from an old family, probably one of his local in-laws. Four of his children married individuals whose parents lived in La Cañada before the revolt: the Martín Serranos, the Archuletas, and, through a feral line, the Gómez de Robledos. Two wed descendants of a man killed at San Domingo.
It’s not known if Sopeña was critical of Christmas plays in general or just of ones written by laymen. What is clear was that his censure of Quintana coincided with a transition in religious practices in Santa Cruz from those centered on Christmas to those centered on Easter week. As a penance, he demanded Quintana attend meetings of the Third Order meetings where, presumably, he was encouraging forms of self-inflicted pain like those mentioned in the post for 10 April 2016.
Sopeña wasn’t alone. Pedro Montaño arrived in Bernalillo in 1710. In 1729, before Quintana was denounced, he had the Inquisition prosecute Pedro Durán y Chaves for refusing confession, refusing to take ashes on Ash Wednesday, and making fun of processions. Chaves told natives listening to Montaño read to them that he had books "that weren’t so boring."
If one were to guess what book Chaves owned, one would suggest some version of The Golden Legend mentioned in the post for 1 May 2016. Its legends about Mary’s parents and Joseph were more interesting than the gospels, which took them as background dramatis personae necessary to the more important story of Christ’s ministry.
He was the son of Fernando de Chaves, whose senility was mentioned in the post for 7 April 2014. By this time, Angélico Chávez said, Pedro "was extremely ill and out of his senses." When he died, his family rejected the rights of this second wife and her children.
The shift from the joys of birth to the horrors of death was reinforced by the replacement of baptisms as the sacrament that determined one’s grace, with confession and atonement.
At the same time, friars were reinforcing their directions with sermons like the one recalled by Quintana that emphasized the hell that awaited the baptized if they didn’t conform.
In 1733, while Quintana’s case was waiting review by the Holy Office tribunal in Mexico City, Martín Hurtado and Pedro Alcántara García Jurado entered the Albuquerque church where Montaño was preaching and called him the "governor of Hell."
The first was the son of Andrés Hurtado, who had held the encomienda of Santa Ana. García Jurado’s father came from Mexico City as a child in 1693, and later married Hurtado’s daughter. At the time, Franciscans were criticizing the two for demanding people at Santa Ana work without pay.
The substitution of Easter rituals for Christmas ones may have occurred without controversy in Mexico City where few Roman Catholics may have had strong ties to older traditions and congregations were so large priests couldn’t monitor everyone. The individuals Sopeña and Montaño attacked in Nuevo México were ones whose families were here before the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Their religious views probably were more archaic than their peers in Mexico City because they had been isolated from changes that affected the capital for so long. The new generation of priests probably saw them being as recalcitrant as the pueblos that continued older practices, and thus deserving the same punishment.
Notes: Quintana said he was asked to write the last coloquio in 1726. The two men mentioned in the post for 10 July 2016 who were close to him were Mínguez, who was dead in 1726, and Juan de Tagle who probably died in early 1727. Norris didn’t know Mínguez’s age when he professed in 1694. The earliest age for acceptance by the order was 16.
The marriage alliances of Quintana’s children were described in the post for 19 June 2016. His description of a sermon appeared in the entry for 3 July 2016. Esquibel only hypothesized Quintana attended the cathedral school, partly based on the identity of his godfather. Street theater was discussed in the post for 26 June 2016.
Chávez, Angélico. Chávez: A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico, 1989.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Esquibel, José Antonio. "The People of the Camino Real: A Genealogical Appendix," in Christine Preston, Douglas Preston and José Antonio Esquibel, The Royal Road, 1998.
Greenleaf, Richard E. "The Inquisition in Eighteenth-Century New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review 60:29-60:1985.
Norris, Jim. After "The Year Eighty," 2000; on Hurtado and García.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 2, 1914; on complaints between 6 April 1732 and 23 July 1733 by Ramón García Jurado against Diego Aries de Espinosa at Santa Ana.
Weckmann, Luis. The Medieval Heritage of Mexico, 1992; quotation from Gante’s 27 June 1529 letter to Franciscans in Flanders.
Sunday, August 14, 2016
Sunday, August 07, 2016
The Mass and the Rosary
Behind the politics and personalities that drove the conflict between Miguel de Quintana and the Franciscans in the 1730s in Santa Cruz lay demographic changes. As was implied in the post for 3 April 2016, the number of Franciscans wasn’t increasing as quickly as the population in Nueva España. That led to what today would be called leveraging resources. The order needed to find techniques that provided equivalent religious experiences to more people with less manpower.
The one notable innovation in Santa Cruz in these years was the use of the rosary. The beads and prayer cycle themselves weren’t new. They date back farther than the Dominicans who are associated with them. Herbert Thurston and Andrew Shipman said the order of the prayers and the accompanying meditations was standardized in the late 1400s.
What was new in Nuevo México was that the regimen for prayer was mentioned. Neither Roque de Madrid nor Leonor Domínguez nor Antonio Velarde talked about it. They all mentioned masses. Madrid noted the one of the eve of battle, Domínguez the ones before Easter, and Velarde ones celebrated every morning by Juan George del Pino.
The communal experience of the mass was more important to Benito Crespo than the solitude of the confession or the rosary. The Puebla diocese, where he served after his years in Durango, remembered he was "jealous of the dignity and splendor of divine worship" and that, in 1735, "recommended the faithful observance of sacred rites in the celebration of Masses."
When the bishop visited Santa Fé in 1730, he noted the poorest Jesuit church had "its church better adorned than in the one of the villa of Santa Fe, which surpasses all those of this district" and that it did "not even have vestments for high mass."
Masses required clergymen. When no friar was assigned to a mission, or when a priest was away, commending parishioners recite the rosary was a way the church could demand the same daily attention from them.
Today, the rosary assumes the presence of beads to make it easier to keep track of the prayers. It also often is accompanied by individual pictures of the 15 mysteries to stimulate contemplation on their meanings.
Not many wills from the area have survived. Ralph Twitchell listed a dozen, and Henrietta Martinez Christmas has translated nine of those. None described any kind of beads that could be construed as rosaries. A few mentioned coral, but as I suggested in the post for 29 May 2016, they may have been amulets against the evil eye.
Three women mentioned pictures or statues, but only the crucifixes could have been used for the mysteries. Quintana’s daughter, Lugarda, left a "a holy Christ, of bronze" in 1749, along with fourteen images of saints, all small." The next year, Rosa Martín Serrano, the wife of Nicolás López, left "a statue of St. Jose."
At the end of the decade, in 1759, Teresa Herrera left "seven holy pictures on wool." She also owned a small and a large crucifix, and a "statue of the Immaculate Conception." She had been married to Diego Martín Serrano and Bartolomé Trujillo.
These images were little different from those willed earlier by Cristóbal Torres and his wife, Angela Leyba. In addition to the picture of Our Lady of Los Remedios, mentioned in the post for 29 May 2016, he owned a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary, a crucifix, and a "statue of Saint Joseph" in 1726. She had "nine pictures of different kinds," the statue of Los Remedios mentioned before, and a "bronze crucifix" the next year.
Quintana may not have been unique in saying the rosary, but no one left the material evidence to know.
Notes: Madrid was mentioned in the post for 2 June 2015, Domínguez in the one for 2 April 2015, Velarde the one for 23 August 2015.
Archdiocese of Puebla. "Excmo. Sr. Don Benito Crespo (1734-1737)," their website; translation by Google.
Christmas, Henrietta Martinez. 1598 New Mexico, blog.
Crespo y Monroy, Benito. Letter to the viceroy, Juan Vásquez de Acuña, 8 September 1730; translation in Eleanor B. Adams, Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760, 1954. Adams noted this particular paragraph was hard to translate because some of the words were lost when it was bound.
Herrera, Teresa. Will, 1759, translated by Christmas as "Teresa Herrera - Will 1759," 20 May 2013.
Leyba, Angela. Will, 1727, translated by Christmas as "Angela Leyba - Will 1727," 30 July 2014.
Martín Serrano, Rosa. Will, 1750, translated by Christmas as "Rosa Martín Serrano - Will 1750," 15 November 2013.
Quintana, Gertrudis Lugarda de. Will, 12 May 1749; translated in Francisco A. Lomelí and Clark A. Colahan, Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Thurston, Herbert, and Andrew Shipman. "The Rosary." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 13. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912
Torres, Cristóbal. Will, 1726, translated by Christmas as "Cristóbal Torrez - Will 1726," 28 July 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
The one notable innovation in Santa Cruz in these years was the use of the rosary. The beads and prayer cycle themselves weren’t new. They date back farther than the Dominicans who are associated with them. Herbert Thurston and Andrew Shipman said the order of the prayers and the accompanying meditations was standardized in the late 1400s.
What was new in Nuevo México was that the regimen for prayer was mentioned. Neither Roque de Madrid nor Leonor Domínguez nor Antonio Velarde talked about it. They all mentioned masses. Madrid noted the one of the eve of battle, Domínguez the ones before Easter, and Velarde ones celebrated every morning by Juan George del Pino.
The communal experience of the mass was more important to Benito Crespo than the solitude of the confession or the rosary. The Puebla diocese, where he served after his years in Durango, remembered he was "jealous of the dignity and splendor of divine worship" and that, in 1735, "recommended the faithful observance of sacred rites in the celebration of Masses."
When the bishop visited Santa Fé in 1730, he noted the poorest Jesuit church had "its church better adorned than in the one of the villa of Santa Fe, which surpasses all those of this district" and that it did "not even have vestments for high mass."
Masses required clergymen. When no friar was assigned to a mission, or when a priest was away, commending parishioners recite the rosary was a way the church could demand the same daily attention from them.
Today, the rosary assumes the presence of beads to make it easier to keep track of the prayers. It also often is accompanied by individual pictures of the 15 mysteries to stimulate contemplation on their meanings.
Not many wills from the area have survived. Ralph Twitchell listed a dozen, and Henrietta Martinez Christmas has translated nine of those. None described any kind of beads that could be construed as rosaries. A few mentioned coral, but as I suggested in the post for 29 May 2016, they may have been amulets against the evil eye.
Three women mentioned pictures or statues, but only the crucifixes could have been used for the mysteries. Quintana’s daughter, Lugarda, left a "a holy Christ, of bronze" in 1749, along with fourteen images of saints, all small." The next year, Rosa Martín Serrano, the wife of Nicolás López, left "a statue of St. Jose."
At the end of the decade, in 1759, Teresa Herrera left "seven holy pictures on wool." She also owned a small and a large crucifix, and a "statue of the Immaculate Conception." She had been married to Diego Martín Serrano and Bartolomé Trujillo.
These images were little different from those willed earlier by Cristóbal Torres and his wife, Angela Leyba. In addition to the picture of Our Lady of Los Remedios, mentioned in the post for 29 May 2016, he owned a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary, a crucifix, and a "statue of Saint Joseph" in 1726. She had "nine pictures of different kinds," the statue of Los Remedios mentioned before, and a "bronze crucifix" the next year.
Quintana may not have been unique in saying the rosary, but no one left the material evidence to know.
Notes: Madrid was mentioned in the post for 2 June 2015, Domínguez in the one for 2 April 2015, Velarde the one for 23 August 2015.
Archdiocese of Puebla. "Excmo. Sr. Don Benito Crespo (1734-1737)," their website; translation by Google.
Christmas, Henrietta Martinez. 1598 New Mexico, blog.
Crespo y Monroy, Benito. Letter to the viceroy, Juan Vásquez de Acuña, 8 September 1730; translation in Eleanor B. Adams, Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760, 1954. Adams noted this particular paragraph was hard to translate because some of the words were lost when it was bound.
Herrera, Teresa. Will, 1759, translated by Christmas as "Teresa Herrera - Will 1759," 20 May 2013.
Leyba, Angela. Will, 1727, translated by Christmas as "Angela Leyba - Will 1727," 30 July 2014.
Martín Serrano, Rosa. Will, 1750, translated by Christmas as "Rosa Martín Serrano - Will 1750," 15 November 2013.
Quintana, Gertrudis Lugarda de. Will, 12 May 1749; translated in Francisco A. Lomelí and Clark A. Colahan, Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Thurston, Herbert, and Andrew Shipman. "The Rosary." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 13. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912
Torres, Cristóbal. Will, 1726, translated by Christmas as "Cristóbal Torrez - Will 1726," 28 July 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico: Compiled and Chronologically Arranged, volume 1, 1914.
Sunday, July 31, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1735-1738
Miguel de Quintana gets caught in the escalating conflict between the Franciscan friars and the bishop of Durango, who is represented by José de Bustamante.
1736
January: Quintana notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. Ines Griego is suing Marcial Martín for breach of promise. Bustamante hears the case. She settles for 60 pesos. [Roots]
This particular record probably survived because the dispute involved the son of Francisco Martín Serrano and was heard outside the jurisdiction of the Franciscans. Sixty pesos is thirty sheep, or 20% of a soldiers’ annual 400 peso stipend. [Comment]
March: The head of the Inquisition in Santa Fé, José Antonio Guerrero, sends more papers to Ciudad de México, and reports Quintana is "near death." Francisco Lomelí and Clark Colahan don’t reproduce the documents he enclosed. [Guerrero]
Guerrero says, in the same letter, he didn’t publish the Inquisition edicts during Lent "because of the heavy snowfalls and harsh cold in this region." [Guerrero]
Scientists have found rheumatoid arthritis pain increases with the low atmospheric pressure that accompanies cloudy weather. They hypothesize joint tissues expand when the air is less dense, and so make movement difficult. It’s also possible light air exerts less external pressure on joints, so they slide a fraction out of alignment. Santa Cruz’s elevation would contribute to Quintana’s problems because air density decreases with altitude. [Comment]
Many rheumatoid arthritis patients say their symptoms are worse during periods of high humidity and low temperatures, but researchers haven’t yet found the link between the two. The chill described by Guerrero may have made Quintana susceptible to infections and viruses. We know he survives this crises, because he can still notarize transactions for the local alcalde when the weather is warmer and drier. [Comment]
May: Quintana witnesses a land transfer from Juan Angel González and Antonia de Chávez to Diego González. [Twitchell]
July: the Holy Office in Mexico City writes its response to Guerrero’s March dispatch. It instructs him to require Quintana "to go to confessions," and warn him, "if he should slip back" into his old ways, "he will be treated with all the severity of the law and subject to the punishments applied to the obstinate, a fraud, and a rebel." [Navarro]
1737
January: Quintana is "sick in bed from a pain that has been afflicting him for two months." [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero receives the Inquisition’s decision on Quintana. He goes to his house in Santa Cruz to warn him. Quintana agrees to desist sending coloquios to friars. Guerrero assigns José Irigoyen as his confessor. [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero says he visits "la casa y morada" of Quintana. While this word would become associated with the Penitentes, the translators note it is used in its original meaning as a dwelling or abode. [Lomelí]
This description of his house reinforces the suggestion that Quintana’s physical condition was aggravated by living in an adobe house with a dirt floor, single wood fire, and poorly sealed entrance during cold periods. [Comment]
Guerrero and Irigoyen whip Quintana. He writes, "The reverend father who is the commissary of the Holy Office and his notary have come, Miguel, with frivolous pretexts dressed in the passions to hit you with a cat-o’-nine tails, accusing you and reprimanding you for offenses when you have committed none, not even venial ones." [Quintana Coloquio]
If may be that Guerrero and Irigoyen were disappointed with the leniency of the Inquisition’s decision, and appointed Irigoyen as Quintana’s confessor to force him to act or to abstain from some action that they then could use as an excuse to employ the punishments mentioned in the supplemental instructions. This may have been done in public, and led to the activities by Juan Sánchez de la Cruz and Bustamante described below. The latter, in particular, may have seen the whipping as an attack upon himself. [Comment]
Cruz, now assigned to the mission at San Juan de Caballeros, contacts Quintana through Gertrudis Jirón de Tejeda. [Quintana to Cruz]
Quintana describes Jirón as his comadre. She was a child when they both came north in 1693, so she’s not his goddaughter. The incomplete set of sacramental records doesn’t recorded her as the godmother to any of his children or grandchildren. Her connection to Quintana came through his son José’s 1732 marriage to the widow of Juan Sayago. Angélico Chávez believed Sayago and her husband, Manuel de la Rosa, both were related somehow to Francisco González de la Rosa. [Families]
April 17: Quintana writes to Cruz, and encloses the coloquio quoted above. [Quintana to Cruz]
April 24: Juan José Pérez Mirabal visits Cruz, while he is considering his answer to Quintana. Mirabal makes a copy of Quintana’s papers, and tells Cruz that "it had to be reported to the Holy Tribunal." Mirabal is serving in the mission at Jémez at the time. [Mirabal]
Mirabal gives copies of Quintana’s papers to Irigoyen, and tells him the originals will be in the home of Rosa. Late in the day, Irigoyen goes unannounced to Rosa’s house in Santa Cruz, and confiscates Quintana’s papers along with Cruz’s letter. [Irigoyen]
April 25: Cruz writes his letter to Quintana. He says, "I did not understand it, nor could I fathom its phrases, nor did I grasp its purpose." [Cruz]
Cruz may have changed the intent of his letter once he realized Mirabal was likely to report his activities to the Holy Office in Santa Fé. If Irigoyen is to be believed, and he is fastidious about dates and times, Cruz may have misdated his letter. [Comment]
Irigoyen goes unannounced to Cruz’s dwelling to get "a paper of Miguel de Quintana’s that he had in his possession." [Irigoyen]
April 30: Irigoyen makes a statement in the Holy Office in Santa Fé., witnessed by José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Irigoyen]
May: Cruz is assigned to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Sometime, Quintana writes letters to Bustamante. [Quintana to Elizacoechea]
Bustamante’s activities seem important, but are not reported. He may have been using Quintana for some purpose of his own, or may have had little to do with him. [Comment]
August: Marcial Martín marries Gabriela de Atienza. She is the niece of Quintana’s wife’s sister. He’s the one who was sued by Ines Griego. [Families]
August-September: the new bishop of Durango, Martín de Elizacoechea, visits Nuevo México. He accedes to Franciscan complaints and replaces Bustamante as his vicar with Santiago Roybal. [Roybal]
Perhaps as a consequence of the bishop’s inspection, the Franciscans assign Manuel de Sopeña as a resident friar at Santa Clara in August. [Comment]
September: Quintana’s son Francisco marries Juana Martín, the daughter of Miguel Martín Serrano and María Archuleta. This is the first time Jirón and Rosa are listed as witnesses. [NM Marriage]
November: the Franciscan’s vice-custos, Juan Antonio de Ezeiza, pressures Quintana to write Elizacoechea and retract what he had written to Bustamante. He tells the governor, Enrique de Olivade, that Quintana has ruined their reputation. [Ezeiza]
November: Quintana writes the required letter to the bishop of Durango. [Letter to Elizacoechea]
November: Olivade endorses Quintana’s letter. [Olivade]
Irigoyen’s statement must have been sent to Mexico City, because it’s in the files of the Inquisition there. However, they don’t seem to have taken any action. [Lomelí]
The Holy Office may have recognized the political consequences of excessive punishment meted to Quintana, and decided reprimanding him wasn’t worth provoking the new bishop. [Comment]
1738
October: Irigoyen is assigned as the resident friar to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Notes: Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. "El Vicario Don Santiago Roybal," El Palacio 65:231-252:1948.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Ezeiza, Juan Antonio de. Letter to Enrique de Olivade y Micheleña, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Letter to Inquisition office in Mexico City, 11 March 1736, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Irigoyen, José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 30 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown, 1995; on timing of Elizacoechea’s visit.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Navarro de Ysla, Pedro and Pedro Anselmo Sánchez de Tagle. Letter from the Holy Office in response to José Antonio Guerrero’s March report, 12 July 1736, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
New Mexico Genealogical Society. 100 Years of Marriages, 1726-1826, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, New Mexico, extracted and compiled by Henrietta Martinez Christmas and Patricia Sánchez Rau.
Olivade y Micheleña, Enrique de. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Pérez Mirabal, Juan José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 24 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio and letter to Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, 17 April 1737, Santa Cruz; included in Lomelí.
_____. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 2 November 1737, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
Sánchez de la Cruz, Juan. Letter to Miguel Quintana, 25 April 1737, San Juan de Caballeros; in Lomelí.
Terao, Chikashi, et alia. "Inverse Association between Air Pressure and Rheumatoid Arthritis Synovitis," Plos One, 15 January 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
Wingstrand, H. A. Wingstrand and P. Krantz. "Intracapsular and Atmospheric Pressure in the Dynamics and Stability of the Hip. A Biomechanical Study," Acta Orthopaedica Scandinavica 61:231-235:1990.
1736
January: Quintana notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. Ines Griego is suing Marcial Martín for breach of promise. Bustamante hears the case. She settles for 60 pesos. [Roots]
This particular record probably survived because the dispute involved the son of Francisco Martín Serrano and was heard outside the jurisdiction of the Franciscans. Sixty pesos is thirty sheep, or 20% of a soldiers’ annual 400 peso stipend. [Comment]
March: The head of the Inquisition in Santa Fé, José Antonio Guerrero, sends more papers to Ciudad de México, and reports Quintana is "near death." Francisco Lomelí and Clark Colahan don’t reproduce the documents he enclosed. [Guerrero]
Guerrero says, in the same letter, he didn’t publish the Inquisition edicts during Lent "because of the heavy snowfalls and harsh cold in this region." [Guerrero]
Scientists have found rheumatoid arthritis pain increases with the low atmospheric pressure that accompanies cloudy weather. They hypothesize joint tissues expand when the air is less dense, and so make movement difficult. It’s also possible light air exerts less external pressure on joints, so they slide a fraction out of alignment. Santa Cruz’s elevation would contribute to Quintana’s problems because air density decreases with altitude. [Comment]
Many rheumatoid arthritis patients say their symptoms are worse during periods of high humidity and low temperatures, but researchers haven’t yet found the link between the two. The chill described by Guerrero may have made Quintana susceptible to infections and viruses. We know he survives this crises, because he can still notarize transactions for the local alcalde when the weather is warmer and drier. [Comment]
May: Quintana witnesses a land transfer from Juan Angel González and Antonia de Chávez to Diego González. [Twitchell]
July: the Holy Office in Mexico City writes its response to Guerrero’s March dispatch. It instructs him to require Quintana "to go to confessions," and warn him, "if he should slip back" into his old ways, "he will be treated with all the severity of the law and subject to the punishments applied to the obstinate, a fraud, and a rebel." [Navarro]
1737
January: Quintana is "sick in bed from a pain that has been afflicting him for two months." [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero receives the Inquisition’s decision on Quintana. He goes to his house in Santa Cruz to warn him. Quintana agrees to desist sending coloquios to friars. Guerrero assigns José Irigoyen as his confessor. [Guerrero]
January: Guerrero says he visits "la casa y morada" of Quintana. While this word would become associated with the Penitentes, the translators note it is used in its original meaning as a dwelling or abode. [Lomelí]
This description of his house reinforces the suggestion that Quintana’s physical condition was aggravated by living in an adobe house with a dirt floor, single wood fire, and poorly sealed entrance during cold periods. [Comment]
Guerrero and Irigoyen whip Quintana. He writes, "The reverend father who is the commissary of the Holy Office and his notary have come, Miguel, with frivolous pretexts dressed in the passions to hit you with a cat-o’-nine tails, accusing you and reprimanding you for offenses when you have committed none, not even venial ones." [Quintana Coloquio]
If may be that Guerrero and Irigoyen were disappointed with the leniency of the Inquisition’s decision, and appointed Irigoyen as Quintana’s confessor to force him to act or to abstain from some action that they then could use as an excuse to employ the punishments mentioned in the supplemental instructions. This may have been done in public, and led to the activities by Juan Sánchez de la Cruz and Bustamante described below. The latter, in particular, may have seen the whipping as an attack upon himself. [Comment]
Cruz, now assigned to the mission at San Juan de Caballeros, contacts Quintana through Gertrudis Jirón de Tejeda. [Quintana to Cruz]
Quintana describes Jirón as his comadre. She was a child when they both came north in 1693, so she’s not his goddaughter. The incomplete set of sacramental records doesn’t recorded her as the godmother to any of his children or grandchildren. Her connection to Quintana came through his son José’s 1732 marriage to the widow of Juan Sayago. Angélico Chávez believed Sayago and her husband, Manuel de la Rosa, both were related somehow to Francisco González de la Rosa. [Families]
April 17: Quintana writes to Cruz, and encloses the coloquio quoted above. [Quintana to Cruz]
April 24: Juan José Pérez Mirabal visits Cruz, while he is considering his answer to Quintana. Mirabal makes a copy of Quintana’s papers, and tells Cruz that "it had to be reported to the Holy Tribunal." Mirabal is serving in the mission at Jémez at the time. [Mirabal]
Mirabal gives copies of Quintana’s papers to Irigoyen, and tells him the originals will be in the home of Rosa. Late in the day, Irigoyen goes unannounced to Rosa’s house in Santa Cruz, and confiscates Quintana’s papers along with Cruz’s letter. [Irigoyen]
April 25: Cruz writes his letter to Quintana. He says, "I did not understand it, nor could I fathom its phrases, nor did I grasp its purpose." [Cruz]
Cruz may have changed the intent of his letter once he realized Mirabal was likely to report his activities to the Holy Office in Santa Fé. If Irigoyen is to be believed, and he is fastidious about dates and times, Cruz may have misdated his letter. [Comment]
Irigoyen goes unannounced to Cruz’s dwelling to get "a paper of Miguel de Quintana’s that he had in his possession." [Irigoyen]
April 30: Irigoyen makes a statement in the Holy Office in Santa Fé., witnessed by José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Irigoyen]
May: Cruz is assigned to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Sometime, Quintana writes letters to Bustamante. [Quintana to Elizacoechea]
Bustamante’s activities seem important, but are not reported. He may have been using Quintana for some purpose of his own, or may have had little to do with him. [Comment]
August: Marcial Martín marries Gabriela de Atienza. She is the niece of Quintana’s wife’s sister. He’s the one who was sued by Ines Griego. [Families]
August-September: the new bishop of Durango, Martín de Elizacoechea, visits Nuevo México. He accedes to Franciscan complaints and replaces Bustamante as his vicar with Santiago Roybal. [Roybal]
Perhaps as a consequence of the bishop’s inspection, the Franciscans assign Manuel de Sopeña as a resident friar at Santa Clara in August. [Comment]
September: Quintana’s son Francisco marries Juana Martín, the daughter of Miguel Martín Serrano and María Archuleta. This is the first time Jirón and Rosa are listed as witnesses. [NM Marriage]
November: the Franciscan’s vice-custos, Juan Antonio de Ezeiza, pressures Quintana to write Elizacoechea and retract what he had written to Bustamante. He tells the governor, Enrique de Olivade, that Quintana has ruined their reputation. [Ezeiza]
November: Quintana writes the required letter to the bishop of Durango. [Letter to Elizacoechea]
November: Olivade endorses Quintana’s letter. [Olivade]
Irigoyen’s statement must have been sent to Mexico City, because it’s in the files of the Inquisition there. However, they don’t seem to have taken any action. [Lomelí]
The Holy Office may have recognized the political consequences of excessive punishment meted to Quintana, and decided reprimanding him wasn’t worth provoking the new bishop. [Comment]
1738
October: Irigoyen is assigned as the resident friar to the mission at Santa Cruz. [Archives]
Notes: Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. "El Vicario Don Santiago Roybal," El Palacio 65:231-252:1948.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Ezeiza, Juan Antonio de. Letter to Enrique de Olivade y Micheleña, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Letter to Inquisition office in Mexico City, 11 March 1736, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Irigoyen, José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 30 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown, 1995; on timing of Elizacoechea’s visit.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Navarro de Ysla, Pedro and Pedro Anselmo Sánchez de Tagle. Letter from the Holy Office in response to José Antonio Guerrero’s March report, 12 July 1736, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
New Mexico Genealogical Society. 100 Years of Marriages, 1726-1826, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, New Mexico, extracted and compiled by Henrietta Martinez Christmas and Patricia Sánchez Rau.
Olivade y Micheleña, Enrique de. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 23 November 1737; in Lomelí.
Pérez Mirabal, Juan José. Statement in the Inquisition office, 24 April 1737, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio and letter to Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, 17 April 1737, Santa Cruz; included in Lomelí.
_____. Letter to Martín de Elizacoechea, 2 November 1737, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
Sánchez de la Cruz, Juan. Letter to Miguel Quintana, 25 April 1737, San Juan de Caballeros; in Lomelí.
Terao, Chikashi, et alia. "Inverse Association between Air Pressure and Rheumatoid Arthritis Synovitis," Plos One, 15 January 2014.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
Wingstrand, H. A. Wingstrand and P. Krantz. "Intracapsular and Atmospheric Pressure in the Dynamics and Stability of the Hip. A Biomechanical Study," Acta Orthopaedica Scandinavica 61:231-235:1990.
Sunday, July 24, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1730-1734
The Bishop of Durango visits Nuevo México. Miguel de Quintana is harassed more by Manuel de Sopeña, then is denounced by him to the Inquisition.
1730
Benito Crespo, the bishop of Durango, visits Nuevo México, including Santa Cruz. He notices the missions at Santa Clara and Santa Cruz have no resident friars, and appoints Santiago de Roybal as his vicar in Santa Fé. [27 March 2016]
Last surviving diligencias matrimoniales for the period from Santa Cruz. One is signed by José de Atienza y Alcalá, and one by José Bernardo Gómez. [Roots]
1731
Quintana witnesses a boundary decision between Cristóbal Martín and Francisco Martín. [Twitchell v1]
Quintana sees the ghost of Juan de Tagle four or five times in church. He asks him why he doesn’t say mass. Tagle answers, "He who can say it for me is the priest, Fray Manuel." [Quintana 1732]
Quintana tries to not think about his vision. He writes to Sopeña, "given what Your Paternal Grace has told me I am very much afraid to reveal to Your Paternal Grace what happens to me, or even to go frequently to confession as I used so, since I am terrified by Your Paternal Grace." [Quintana 1732]
1732
Quintana is unable to complete saying the rosary for the Sorrowful Mysteries. He writes, "those stations appeared to me so vividly that it seemed that I was witnessing them with an incredible apprehension. This became even more acute when I reached the final station at Calvary, where the feelings increased so much that I though my life had come to its end, for I was overcome and choked with pain." [Quintana 1732]
He adds, "I have been very afraid to give Your Paternal Grace all of what I have said above, fearing a reproach at the altar or from the pulpit." [Quintana 1732]
March: Sopeña denounces Quintana and his writing to José Antonio Guerrero in the Holy Office in Santa Fé. José Irigoyen is present as the notary. [Lomelí]
March: Roybal visits San Ildefonso. That mission’s records haven’t been published, so I don’t know if there was a special reason. His parents have land at Jacona and so he knows many settlers in the area. Sometime after this, he is reassigned to El Paso. [Archives, 27 March 2016]
April: Irigoyen is assigned to Santa Cruz, and Sopeña is dispatched to Nambé. [Archives]
Irigoyen later says, "throughout the time he has known him the said Miguel de Quintana spends his time writing things for others who live here, that they rely on him for this purpose, that this is his life and his usual activity." He adds, "his advice is well received by those who ask it." [Irigoyen 1734]
Easter is April 13. Irigoyen demands Quintana confess. He answers, "it was a requirement which he could not fulfill, and that God did not ask the impossible." [Irigoyen 1732]
April: José de Bustamante replaces Roybal as the bishop of Durango’s vicar, and visits the mission at San Ildefonso. Again, there are no published records, although the originals are available on microfilm in a few locations. [Archives]
Quintana is aware he has been denounced to the Inquisition. He stops attending meetings of the Third Order. He says "it is not necessary to be a member" to be saved from "all the power of hell." [Quintana 1732]
July: Irigoyen denounces Quintana to the Holy Office for not taking communion. [Lomelí]
He later says Quintana "was the current notary of the ecclesiastical court," which is headed by Bustamante. [Irigoyen 1734]
July: no man seems to be assigned permanently to Santa Cruz after July 1 until 1738. Chávez found at least six friars who signed the sacramental books, including Juan José Pérez de Mirabal and José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Archives]
December: Bustamante visits the mission at Santa Cruz. No obvious reason for the visit appears in the sacramental records. There are no baptismal records between March 1732 and May 1735. The only recorded marriage in 1732 was in August. [Archives]
1733
September: Quintana is terrified of attending mass. [Quintana 1734]
1734
August-September: Quintana’s daughter, Antonia, is abducted from her San Ildefonso area home by Esteban Rodríguez. The record is incomplete. [Twitchell v2]
Rodríguez is the son of an African brought from Loanda, Angola, who married Juana de la Cruz. At the time Esteban is the drummer with the presidio. Since the records are missing, it’s impossible to know what motivated him or why or how he returned her. [Family]
September: Bustamante visits the mission at Nambé. Sopeña was there until August of 1733. Eguía replaced him. Francisco Manuel Bravo Lerchundi is serving there in August and September of 1734. He goes to the mission at Pecos is November. [Archives]
This trip and the ones in 1732 are the only visitations by Bustamante recorded by Angélico Chávez outside Santa Fé. [Archives]
November: José Antonio Guerrero, local head of the Inquisition, interrogates Sopeña, Irigoyen and Quintana, as per his instructions from Mexico City. Eguía and Bravo are the witness. [Lomelí]
Sopeña says, Quintana "seemed to suffer from delusions because when helping him at mass he showed a speech impediment, speaking haltingly, and seems to have something possessing him." He is not attending mass because of his spleen. [Sopeña]
Sopeña notes Quintana is "the notary to the ecclesiastical judge," which would be Bustamante. [Sopeña]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author. Third Order of the Franciscans was open to devout laymen.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Irigoyen, José. Denunciation of Miguel Quintana to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 1 July 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 5 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
1730
Benito Crespo, the bishop of Durango, visits Nuevo México, including Santa Cruz. He notices the missions at Santa Clara and Santa Cruz have no resident friars, and appoints Santiago de Roybal as his vicar in Santa Fé. [27 March 2016]
Last surviving diligencias matrimoniales for the period from Santa Cruz. One is signed by José de Atienza y Alcalá, and one by José Bernardo Gómez. [Roots]
1731
Quintana witnesses a boundary decision between Cristóbal Martín and Francisco Martín. [Twitchell v1]
Quintana sees the ghost of Juan de Tagle four or five times in church. He asks him why he doesn’t say mass. Tagle answers, "He who can say it for me is the priest, Fray Manuel." [Quintana 1732]
Quintana tries to not think about his vision. He writes to Sopeña, "given what Your Paternal Grace has told me I am very much afraid to reveal to Your Paternal Grace what happens to me, or even to go frequently to confession as I used so, since I am terrified by Your Paternal Grace." [Quintana 1732]
1732
Quintana is unable to complete saying the rosary for the Sorrowful Mysteries. He writes, "those stations appeared to me so vividly that it seemed that I was witnessing them with an incredible apprehension. This became even more acute when I reached the final station at Calvary, where the feelings increased so much that I though my life had come to its end, for I was overcome and choked with pain." [Quintana 1732]
He adds, "I have been very afraid to give Your Paternal Grace all of what I have said above, fearing a reproach at the altar or from the pulpit." [Quintana 1732]
March: Sopeña denounces Quintana and his writing to José Antonio Guerrero in the Holy Office in Santa Fé. José Irigoyen is present as the notary. [Lomelí]
March: Roybal visits San Ildefonso. That mission’s records haven’t been published, so I don’t know if there was a special reason. His parents have land at Jacona and so he knows many settlers in the area. Sometime after this, he is reassigned to El Paso. [Archives, 27 March 2016]
April: Irigoyen is assigned to Santa Cruz, and Sopeña is dispatched to Nambé. [Archives]
Irigoyen later says, "throughout the time he has known him the said Miguel de Quintana spends his time writing things for others who live here, that they rely on him for this purpose, that this is his life and his usual activity." He adds, "his advice is well received by those who ask it." [Irigoyen 1734]
Easter is April 13. Irigoyen demands Quintana confess. He answers, "it was a requirement which he could not fulfill, and that God did not ask the impossible." [Irigoyen 1732]
April: José de Bustamante replaces Roybal as the bishop of Durango’s vicar, and visits the mission at San Ildefonso. Again, there are no published records, although the originals are available on microfilm in a few locations. [Archives]
Quintana is aware he has been denounced to the Inquisition. He stops attending meetings of the Third Order. He says "it is not necessary to be a member" to be saved from "all the power of hell." [Quintana 1732]
July: Irigoyen denounces Quintana to the Holy Office for not taking communion. [Lomelí]
He later says Quintana "was the current notary of the ecclesiastical court," which is headed by Bustamante. [Irigoyen 1734]
July: no man seems to be assigned permanently to Santa Cruz after July 1 until 1738. Chávez found at least six friars who signed the sacramental books, including Juan José Pérez de Mirabal and José de Eguía y Lumbre. [Archives]
December: Bustamante visits the mission at Santa Cruz. No obvious reason for the visit appears in the sacramental records. There are no baptismal records between March 1732 and May 1735. The only recorded marriage in 1732 was in August. [Archives]
1733
September: Quintana is terrified of attending mass. [Quintana 1734]
1734
August-September: Quintana’s daughter, Antonia, is abducted from her San Ildefonso area home by Esteban Rodríguez. The record is incomplete. [Twitchell v2]
Rodríguez is the son of an African brought from Loanda, Angola, who married Juana de la Cruz. At the time Esteban is the drummer with the presidio. Since the records are missing, it’s impossible to know what motivated him or why or how he returned her. [Family]
September: Bustamante visits the mission at Nambé. Sopeña was there until August of 1733. Eguía replaced him. Francisco Manuel Bravo Lerchundi is serving there in August and September of 1734. He goes to the mission at Pecos is November. [Archives]
This trip and the ones in 1732 are the only visitations by Bustamante recorded by Angélico Chávez outside Santa Fé. [Archives]
November: José Antonio Guerrero, local head of the Inquisition, interrogates Sopeña, Irigoyen and Quintana, as per his instructions from Mexico City. Eguía and Bravo are the witness. [Lomelí]
Sopeña says, Quintana "seemed to suffer from delusions because when helping him at mass he showed a speech impediment, speaking haltingly, and seems to have something possessing him." He is not attending mass because of his spleen. [Sopeña]
Sopeña notes Quintana is "the notary to the ecclesiastical judge," which would be Bustamante. [Sopeña]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author. Third Order of the Franciscans was open to devout laymen.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Irigoyen, José. Denunciation of Miguel Quintana to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 1 July 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 5 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
Sunday, July 17, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1720-1729
Miguel de Quintana begins retiring from public life and has his first conflicts with the man who replaces the chaplain killed on the Pedro Villasur expedition.
1720
Juan Mínguez doesn’t return from the Villasur campaign. His last signature in a San Ildefonso sacramental book was made in December 1719. [Archives]
1721
Carlos Delgado is in Santa Cruz for one month. Manuel de Sopeña is there for one month. José Antonio Guerrero is there for three. Angélico Chávez found no names after that until 1726. [Archives]
Josefa Sedano, sister of Antonia Sedano, sues Juan Lorenzo de Medina over a house in Santa Fé. [Twitchell]
1722
José de Quintana conveys land to Juan Lorenzo de Medina with the permission of Josefa Sedano. [Twitchell]
The issues in the case that involved Quintana’s brother aren’t obvious. None seem to have any ties with Miguel. [Comment]
Quintana witnesses a compromise over land boundaries between Miguel Martín and José de Atienza y Alcalá. [Twitchell]
May: Atienza begins notarizing diligencias matrimoniales for Santa Cruz. [Roots]
Atienza is Quintana’s brother-in-law. Assuming Quintana is developing symptoms of rheumatoid arthritis, or something similar, he may have trained Atienza. Since his handwriting, which was reproduced in the post for 26 June 2016, was still graceful and readable in 1732, one could assume it was his feet that first were affected, rather than his hands. Based on the age he gave in 1734, he would have been 44 years old. The disease later may have reached his ankles or knees, making it difficult to walk. [Comment]
1723
September: Quintana notarizes his last DM in Santa Cruz. Atienza continues as the notary. [Roots]
It isn’t clear if Quintana’s health makes if difficult for him to travel to notarize DMs, or if, after Sopeña becomes the local friar in 1724, he no longer is called by the church. [Comment]
1724
Sopeña is assigned to the mission at Santa Clara. He also serves the mission at Santa Cruz. Juan de Tagle still is available in the mission at San Ildefonso. [Archives]
1725
September: Quintana notarizes a DM for the marriage of Juan Antonio Martín and Feliciana Monroy. Antonio Martín, the boy’s father, had died in Chimayó. [Roots]
The wedding isn’t recorded in Santa Cruz, so it isn’t known if his sponsors were avoiding oversight by the friars in Santa Cruz, or if the family had some other reason for asking Quintana to be its notary. [Comment]
1726
January: Juan Sánchez de la Cruz is in the mission at Nambé until May 1727. He had been there in February of 1720 and from February 1722 until December 1728. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana hears Cruz preach at Nambé "about the punishments suffered by the damned in hell, and he felt his heart and spirit so distressed that it seemed to him - such was the terror that came over him - that he was going to be damned. But the thought came to him: ‘Miguel, neither you nor the holy father will be cast into hell,’ and the pleasure that this brought was so great that the tribulation left him." [Quintana 1734]
José Irigoyen later marks the passage above in single quotation marks, as heresy. [Lomelí]
February-August: Juan George del Pino appears in the mission at Santa Clara. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana gives Pino some verses on a sheet of paper. He uses the word versitos. [Quintana 1734]
Quintana has stopped writing coloquio celebrating Christ’s birth. A man asks him to write another. Quintana refuses at first, then agrees to do so. When he begins to write, he is seized with anguish. "I kept thinking it was all vanity and hypocrisy, and that I shouldn’t be getting mixed up in writing plays since I had had the experience of Your Paternal Grace telling me I was a hypocrite and that this was going to lead to my being publicly shamed by Your Paternal Grace himself." [Quintana 1732]
This is the first evidence that Sopeña has gone beyond advice in the confession to making public statements condemning Quintana. [Comment]
While Quintana is thinking of burning his work, he feels "a great help and a prodigious favor encouraging and strengthening me. It seems to take my hand and help me with these thought: ‘Don’t burn it, don’t burn it. Continue and offer your play to His Divine Majesty’." He uses the word coloquio throughout. [Quintana 1732]
Quintana indicates this is the event that converts his public writing into private dialogues between the character Miguel and God over contradictory demands made on Miguel by the Roman Catholic church. [Comment]
Psychologists might see this as a double bind of the kind that can lead to schizophrenic behavior. Quintana has avoided that outcome by utilizing the artistic form described in the post for 26 June 2016 that allows two sides to speak without an expectation of a dénouement. [Comment]
1727
Juan de Tagle makes his last entry in a San Ildefonso sacramental book in March. [Archives]
1728
José Bernardo Gómez begins notarizing DMs in Santa Cruz; Atienza continues signing them. [Roots]
Gómez is the son of Antonio Gómez Robledo, who was an illegitimate son of Francisco and a nephew of Andrés, the father-in-law of Ignacio Roybal. That makes him a cousin of Juan Gómez del Castillo, who will marry Quintana’s daughter Antonia. [Families, 19 June 2016]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
1720
Juan Mínguez doesn’t return from the Villasur campaign. His last signature in a San Ildefonso sacramental book was made in December 1719. [Archives]
1721
Carlos Delgado is in Santa Cruz for one month. Manuel de Sopeña is there for one month. José Antonio Guerrero is there for three. Angélico Chávez found no names after that until 1726. [Archives]
Josefa Sedano, sister of Antonia Sedano, sues Juan Lorenzo de Medina over a house in Santa Fé. [Twitchell]
1722
José de Quintana conveys land to Juan Lorenzo de Medina with the permission of Josefa Sedano. [Twitchell]
The issues in the case that involved Quintana’s brother aren’t obvious. None seem to have any ties with Miguel. [Comment]
Quintana witnesses a compromise over land boundaries between Miguel Martín and José de Atienza y Alcalá. [Twitchell]
May: Atienza begins notarizing diligencias matrimoniales for Santa Cruz. [Roots]
Atienza is Quintana’s brother-in-law. Assuming Quintana is developing symptoms of rheumatoid arthritis, or something similar, he may have trained Atienza. Since his handwriting, which was reproduced in the post for 26 June 2016, was still graceful and readable in 1732, one could assume it was his feet that first were affected, rather than his hands. Based on the age he gave in 1734, he would have been 44 years old. The disease later may have reached his ankles or knees, making it difficult to walk. [Comment]
1723
September: Quintana notarizes his last DM in Santa Cruz. Atienza continues as the notary. [Roots]
It isn’t clear if Quintana’s health makes if difficult for him to travel to notarize DMs, or if, after Sopeña becomes the local friar in 1724, he no longer is called by the church. [Comment]
1724
Sopeña is assigned to the mission at Santa Clara. He also serves the mission at Santa Cruz. Juan de Tagle still is available in the mission at San Ildefonso. [Archives]
1725
September: Quintana notarizes a DM for the marriage of Juan Antonio Martín and Feliciana Monroy. Antonio Martín, the boy’s father, had died in Chimayó. [Roots]
The wedding isn’t recorded in Santa Cruz, so it isn’t known if his sponsors were avoiding oversight by the friars in Santa Cruz, or if the family had some other reason for asking Quintana to be its notary. [Comment]
1726
January: Juan Sánchez de la Cruz is in the mission at Nambé until May 1727. He had been there in February of 1720 and from February 1722 until December 1728. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana hears Cruz preach at Nambé "about the punishments suffered by the damned in hell, and he felt his heart and spirit so distressed that it seemed to him - such was the terror that came over him - that he was going to be damned. But the thought came to him: ‘Miguel, neither you nor the holy father will be cast into hell,’ and the pleasure that this brought was so great that the tribulation left him." [Quintana 1734]
José Irigoyen later marks the passage above in single quotation marks, as heresy. [Lomelí]
February-August: Juan George del Pino appears in the mission at Santa Clara. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana gives Pino some verses on a sheet of paper. He uses the word versitos. [Quintana 1734]
Quintana has stopped writing coloquio celebrating Christ’s birth. A man asks him to write another. Quintana refuses at first, then agrees to do so. When he begins to write, he is seized with anguish. "I kept thinking it was all vanity and hypocrisy, and that I shouldn’t be getting mixed up in writing plays since I had had the experience of Your Paternal Grace telling me I was a hypocrite and that this was going to lead to my being publicly shamed by Your Paternal Grace himself." [Quintana 1732]
This is the first evidence that Sopeña has gone beyond advice in the confession to making public statements condemning Quintana. [Comment]
While Quintana is thinking of burning his work, he feels "a great help and a prodigious favor encouraging and strengthening me. It seems to take my hand and help me with these thought: ‘Don’t burn it, don’t burn it. Continue and offer your play to His Divine Majesty’." He uses the word coloquio throughout. [Quintana 1732]
Quintana indicates this is the event that converts his public writing into private dialogues between the character Miguel and God over contradictory demands made on Miguel by the Roman Catholic church. [Comment]
Psychologists might see this as a double bind of the kind that can lead to schizophrenic behavior. Quintana has avoided that outcome by utilizing the artistic form described in the post for 26 June 2016 that allows two sides to speak without an expectation of a dénouement. [Comment]
1727
Juan de Tagle makes his last entry in a San Ildefonso sacramental book in March. [Archives]
1728
José Bernardo Gómez begins notarizing DMs in Santa Cruz; Atienza continues signing them. [Roots]
Gómez is the son of Antonio Gómez Robledo, who was an illegitimate son of Francisco and a nephew of Andrés, the father-in-law of Ignacio Roybal. That makes him a cousin of Juan Gómez del Castillo, who will marry Quintana’s daughter Antonia. [Families, 19 June 2016]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
_____. Origins of New Mexico Families, 1992 revised edition.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732, Santa Cruz; in Lomelí.
_____. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, volume 1, 1914.
Sunday, July 10, 2016
Miguel de Quintana, 1693-1719
Miguel de Quintana’s coloquios in which God gave personal counsel to a character named Miguel fall under the Roman Catholic church’s rubric of private revelation. There was nothing inherently heretical about such revelations, but they were extremely difficult to establish as valid.
Augustin Poulain said in 1912 that, before one could judge the legitimacy of such claims, one needed to know something about the person in order to establish "that neither the demon nor the ecstatic’s own ideas have interfered (at least on important points) with God's action."
More specifically, one needed to establish the individual’s mental capabilities, needed to know if the person had "made progress in holiness and especially in humility," and needed to know if he had been "subjected to heavy trials," since it was "almost impossible for extraordinary favours to be conferred without heavy crosses."
The Holy Office in Ciudad de México had a similar understanding of such revelations in 1734. When the tribunal sent the denunciations back to Santa Fé, Diego Mangado y Clavijo specifically asked about "Quintana’s life and habits, his abilities and talents."
That was the point when the Santa Fé Inquisition office deviated from standard legal procedures, as described by Charles Cutter. If you remember the case of Leonor Domínguez, described in March and April 2015 posts, the governor couldn’t accept her claims that she’d been bewitched by women at San Juan. His representative had to find evidence by interviewing other witnesses.
In the case of Quintana, the local commissary of the Holy Office, José Antonio Guerrero, only took evidence from the two men who already had denounced him. Neither gave any indication that Quintana was telling anyone, other than the friars, he was receiving heavenly inspirations. In the case of Francisco Gómez Robledo, discussed in entries posted between March 21 and March 28 of 2014, the necessity for secrecy did not stop the Inquisition from taking testimony from a number of individuals.
The carefully constructed historical record from the Inquisition archives in Ciudad de México thus provides little information on what was happening in Santa Cruz. What follows is an attempt to provide the missing details that lead to a climax in 1737.
1694 José Manuel Giltoméy, notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. [Roots]
1695
April: first surviving DM is done in Santa Cruz. Angélico Chávez didn’t identify the notary. [Roots]
1696
José Trujillo becomes alcalde in Santa Cruz. [1 February 2015]
November: Giltoméy notarizes a DM in Santa Cruz. He continues to sign ecclesiastical documents both there and in Santa Fé. He marries in Santa Cruz in 1697, and probably moves to Santa Fé sometime after. [Roots]
1701
Juan de Tagle is assigned to the mission at San Ildefonso. [Archives]
1704
October: Juan de Paz Bustillos notarizes one DM in Santa Cruz. Giltoméy continues as the church notary in Santa Fé. [Roots]
October: Quintana begins notarizing DMs in Santa Cruz. [Roots]
1710
June: Quintana is licenced as a scribe with the kingdom. The first document that survives with his notarization is from 1712. [Lomelí]
Juan Mínguez begins filling in at the mission at San Ildefonso. His name also begins appearing in Santa Clara and Santa Cruz sacramental books. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana gives Mínguez some verses on a sheet of paper. He uses the word versitos. [Quintana]
1712
July: an Apache ransomed by Tagle escapes on a horse owned by Quintana. He goes to the ranch of José Trujillo where he’s joined by two other Apaches. Andrés is a captive owned by Trujillo. Cristóbal had been a servant to Diego Martín and is now freed. One takes a horse belonging to Quintana that is kept there. [Lomelí]
August-October: after Andrés and Cristóbal return to Trujillo, Quintana sues Trujillo for the value of the two animals they didn’t bring back. He says "those two horses provided me some relief by carrying a few supplies and firewood and allowing me to run errands." Trujillo tells him to go recover them himself. [Lomelí]
I’ve found no hidden ties or animosities between the people whose names appear in this case. It’s a small community and people meet often. It may be like the dispute between José Antonio Naranjo and Diego de Torres described in the post for 28 February 2016, when the two men exaggerated their claims and left it to the judge to determine a just solution. [Comment]
The record found by Ralph Twitchell gives no outcome. [Twitchell v2]
1713
Juana de Carras, wife of José Velásquez, sues Antonia Sedano, wife of Juan Lorenzo de Medina, over land Micaela de Velasco, widow of Miguel García de la Riva, sold to Velásquez. Proceedings in Santa Fé. [Twitchell v1]
Jacinto Sánchez de Iñigo replaces José Trujillo as alcalde in Santa Cruz. [1 February 2015]
1719
In 1734, Manul de Sopeña says Quintana is remembered to have been throwing stones 15 years before. [Sopeña 1734]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Mangado y Clavijo, Diego. Instructions from the Inquisition to José Antonio Guerrero, 22 May 1734, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
Poulain, Augustin. "Private Revelations," The Catholic Encyclopedia, volume 13, 1912.
Quintana, Miguel de. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
Augustin Poulain said in 1912 that, before one could judge the legitimacy of such claims, one needed to know something about the person in order to establish "that neither the demon nor the ecstatic’s own ideas have interfered (at least on important points) with God's action."
More specifically, one needed to establish the individual’s mental capabilities, needed to know if the person had "made progress in holiness and especially in humility," and needed to know if he had been "subjected to heavy trials," since it was "almost impossible for extraordinary favours to be conferred without heavy crosses."
The Holy Office in Ciudad de México had a similar understanding of such revelations in 1734. When the tribunal sent the denunciations back to Santa Fé, Diego Mangado y Clavijo specifically asked about "Quintana’s life and habits, his abilities and talents."
That was the point when the Santa Fé Inquisition office deviated from standard legal procedures, as described by Charles Cutter. If you remember the case of Leonor Domínguez, described in March and April 2015 posts, the governor couldn’t accept her claims that she’d been bewitched by women at San Juan. His representative had to find evidence by interviewing other witnesses.
In the case of Quintana, the local commissary of the Holy Office, José Antonio Guerrero, only took evidence from the two men who already had denounced him. Neither gave any indication that Quintana was telling anyone, other than the friars, he was receiving heavenly inspirations. In the case of Francisco Gómez Robledo, discussed in entries posted between March 21 and March 28 of 2014, the necessity for secrecy did not stop the Inquisition from taking testimony from a number of individuals.
The carefully constructed historical record from the Inquisition archives in Ciudad de México thus provides little information on what was happening in Santa Cruz. What follows is an attempt to provide the missing details that lead to a climax in 1737.
1694 José Manuel Giltoméy, notarizes a diligencia matrimoniale in Santa Fé. [Roots]
1695
April: first surviving DM is done in Santa Cruz. Angélico Chávez didn’t identify the notary. [Roots]
1696
José Trujillo becomes alcalde in Santa Cruz. [1 February 2015]
November: Giltoméy notarizes a DM in Santa Cruz. He continues to sign ecclesiastical documents both there and in Santa Fé. He marries in Santa Cruz in 1697, and probably moves to Santa Fé sometime after. [Roots]
1701
Juan de Tagle is assigned to the mission at San Ildefonso. [Archives]
1704
October: Juan de Paz Bustillos notarizes one DM in Santa Cruz. Giltoméy continues as the church notary in Santa Fé. [Roots]
October: Quintana begins notarizing DMs in Santa Cruz. [Roots]
1710
June: Quintana is licenced as a scribe with the kingdom. The first document that survives with his notarization is from 1712. [Lomelí]
Juan Mínguez begins filling in at the mission at San Ildefonso. His name also begins appearing in Santa Clara and Santa Cruz sacramental books. [Archives]
At some time, Quintana gives Mínguez some verses on a sheet of paper. He uses the word versitos. [Quintana]
1712
July: an Apache ransomed by Tagle escapes on a horse owned by Quintana. He goes to the ranch of José Trujillo where he’s joined by two other Apaches. Andrés is a captive owned by Trujillo. Cristóbal had been a servant to Diego Martín and is now freed. One takes a horse belonging to Quintana that is kept there. [Lomelí]
August-October: after Andrés and Cristóbal return to Trujillo, Quintana sues Trujillo for the value of the two animals they didn’t bring back. He says "those two horses provided me some relief by carrying a few supplies and firewood and allowing me to run errands." Trujillo tells him to go recover them himself. [Lomelí]
I’ve found no hidden ties or animosities between the people whose names appear in this case. It’s a small community and people meet often. It may be like the dispute between José Antonio Naranjo and Diego de Torres described in the post for 28 February 2016, when the two men exaggerated their claims and left it to the judge to determine a just solution. [Comment]
The record found by Ralph Twitchell gives no outcome. [Twitchell v2]
1713
Juana de Carras, wife of José Velásquez, sues Antonia Sedano, wife of Juan Lorenzo de Medina, over land Micaela de Velasco, widow of Miguel García de la Riva, sold to Velásquez. Proceedings in Santa Fé. [Twitchell v1]
Jacinto Sánchez de Iñigo replaces José Trujillo as alcalde in Santa Cruz. [1 February 2015]
1719
In 1734, Manul de Sopeña says Quintana is remembered to have been throwing stones 15 years before. [Sopeña 1734]
Notes: Dates in brackets refer to earlier postings. Comments are those of the author.
Chávez, Angélico. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, 1957.
_____. New Mexico Roots, Ltd, 1982.
Cutter, Charles R. The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810, 1995.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006.
Mangado y Clavijo, Diego. Instructions from the Inquisition to José Antonio Guerrero, 22 May 1734, Mexico City; in Lomelí.
Poulain, Augustin. "Private Revelations," The Catholic Encyclopedia, volume 13, 1912.
Quintana, Miguel de. Interrogation by José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 8 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Statement to José Antonio Guerrero in the Inquisition office, Santa Fé, 4 November 1734; in Lomelí.
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, two volumes, 1914.
Sunday, July 03, 2016
Miguel de Quintana’s Health
Angélico Chávez noted Miguel de Quintana, in the coloquio he wrote in 1732 and 1737, avoided "anything that reminded him of sin and hell." He ascribed it to a conscience that had become abnormally fixated on its sins.
That comment made me realize that Quintana was more specific. His imagination was paralyzed by the contemplation of the "Sorrowful Mysteries," the ones today called The Agony in the Garden, The Scourging at the Pillar, The Crowning with Thorns, The Carrying of the Cross, and The Crucifixion. He stopped doing exercises suggested at meetings of the Third Order, which probably included beating himself.
I wondered if his problem wasn’t mental or spiritual as suggested by Chávez, but physical. In 1734, Manuel de Sopeña said Quintana "rarely goes to mass, giving as an excuse pain in the spleen." A few years later, Quintana wrote Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, "both of my bones are somewhat better."
Within his world of the four humors, the spleen was responsible for black bile. When the fluid sank into the joints it caused arthritis and rheumatism. The organ was associated with a melancholy temperament that, according to David Osborn, were associated with "dark, morose emotions."
Today, the terms arthritis and rheumatism are applied to any pain in the joints. Within the constellation of causes, rheumatoid arthritis is recognized as a degenerative disease that appears in middle age. It starts when part of the immune system turns on itself, and begins attacking the synovial fluid that lubricates joints. This leads to self-perpetuating chain of damage to bone cells followed by chemical overreactions that leads to more injury.
The inflammation or swelling of joints combined with reduced synovial fluid makes movement difficult. The emergency chemicals send messages through the nerves to the brain that register as pain. When the pain becomes chronic, the brain begins to direct avoidance behaviors that may exaggerate the effects of actions that cause pain. These stimuli are concrete and physical.
As mentioned in the post for 19 June 2016, Quintana was raised in Ciudad de México where masses were said by secular clergy. He probably didn’t confront the Franciscan emphasis on salvation through reenacting the agonies of Christ until he was in Santa Cruz. Their practices probably didn’t affect him until he was already in such pain he didn’t need reminders of it in sermons or in penances.
He told the local head of the Inquisition, José Antonio Guerrero, in 1734, that Cruz once "spoke about the punishments suffered by the damned in hell, and he felt his heart and spirit so distressed that it seemed to him - such was the terror that came over him - that he was going to be damned."
One suspects that whenever his pain was flaring, he became more afraid of exposing himself to additional reminders. He said the previous September "he was overcome with terror and great fear while coming to mass."
He added that, "If he starts praying the rosary, it happens that in the mysteries he loses his voice because of the pain, stays in a trance, and he remains alone in contemplation."
One rather assumes, when confronted with recollections of pain his mind simply shut down to protect itself from painful stimuli, whether visual, auditory, or physical. Such avoidance reactions can be counterproductive when they prevent people with joint problems from exercising them. They also can be hazardous when they cause people to withdraw from social activities in anticipation of harm.
Quintana himself may have recognized this danger. The mere existence of his interior dialogues suggested he had enough self-awareness to try to try to overcome his apprehensions. God constantly was admonishing, "Don’t be such a coward, Miguel."
He said that, even though he was afraid to go to that mass, "he felt other forces that urged him, saying ‘Hear mass! Hear mass!’ and he went to mass and felt an unsurpassable rejoicing in his soul."
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. "The Mad Poet of Santa Cruz," New Mexico Folklore Record 3:10-17:1949.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Interrogation of Miguel de Quintana, 8 November 1734, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006; contains Spanish and English versions of all documents described here.
Osborn, David K. "Pathologies of Black Bile," Greek Medicine website.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732, Santa Cruz, reprinted in Spanish and English by Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Verification of previous statement to José Antonio Guerrero, 4 November 1734, Santa Fé; included in Lomelí.
That comment made me realize that Quintana was more specific. His imagination was paralyzed by the contemplation of the "Sorrowful Mysteries," the ones today called The Agony in the Garden, The Scourging at the Pillar, The Crowning with Thorns, The Carrying of the Cross, and The Crucifixion. He stopped doing exercises suggested at meetings of the Third Order, which probably included beating himself.
I wondered if his problem wasn’t mental or spiritual as suggested by Chávez, but physical. In 1734, Manuel de Sopeña said Quintana "rarely goes to mass, giving as an excuse pain in the spleen." A few years later, Quintana wrote Juan Sánchez de la Cruz, "both of my bones are somewhat better."
Within his world of the four humors, the spleen was responsible for black bile. When the fluid sank into the joints it caused arthritis and rheumatism. The organ was associated with a melancholy temperament that, according to David Osborn, were associated with "dark, morose emotions."
Today, the terms arthritis and rheumatism are applied to any pain in the joints. Within the constellation of causes, rheumatoid arthritis is recognized as a degenerative disease that appears in middle age. It starts when part of the immune system turns on itself, and begins attacking the synovial fluid that lubricates joints. This leads to self-perpetuating chain of damage to bone cells followed by chemical overreactions that leads to more injury.
The inflammation or swelling of joints combined with reduced synovial fluid makes movement difficult. The emergency chemicals send messages through the nerves to the brain that register as pain. When the pain becomes chronic, the brain begins to direct avoidance behaviors that may exaggerate the effects of actions that cause pain. These stimuli are concrete and physical.
As mentioned in the post for 19 June 2016, Quintana was raised in Ciudad de México where masses were said by secular clergy. He probably didn’t confront the Franciscan emphasis on salvation through reenacting the agonies of Christ until he was in Santa Cruz. Their practices probably didn’t affect him until he was already in such pain he didn’t need reminders of it in sermons or in penances.
He told the local head of the Inquisition, José Antonio Guerrero, in 1734, that Cruz once "spoke about the punishments suffered by the damned in hell, and he felt his heart and spirit so distressed that it seemed to him - such was the terror that came over him - that he was going to be damned."
One suspects that whenever his pain was flaring, he became more afraid of exposing himself to additional reminders. He said the previous September "he was overcome with terror and great fear while coming to mass."
He added that, "If he starts praying the rosary, it happens that in the mysteries he loses his voice because of the pain, stays in a trance, and he remains alone in contemplation."
One rather assumes, when confronted with recollections of pain his mind simply shut down to protect itself from painful stimuli, whether visual, auditory, or physical. Such avoidance reactions can be counterproductive when they prevent people with joint problems from exercising them. They also can be hazardous when they cause people to withdraw from social activities in anticipation of harm.
Quintana himself may have recognized this danger. The mere existence of his interior dialogues suggested he had enough self-awareness to try to try to overcome his apprehensions. God constantly was admonishing, "Don’t be such a coward, Miguel."
He said that, even though he was afraid to go to that mass, "he felt other forces that urged him, saying ‘Hear mass! Hear mass!’ and he went to mass and felt an unsurpassable rejoicing in his soul."
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. "The Mad Poet of Santa Cruz," New Mexico Folklore Record 3:10-17:1949.
Guerrero, José Antonio. Interrogation of Miguel de Quintana, 8 November 1734, Santa Fé; in Lomelí.
Lomelí, Francisco A. and Clark A. Colahan. Defying the Inquisition in Colonial New Mexico, 2006; contains Spanish and English versions of all documents described here.
Osborn, David K. "Pathologies of Black Bile," Greek Medicine website.
Quintana, Miguel de. Coloquio, 1732, Santa Cruz, reprinted in Spanish and English by Lomelí.
Sopeña, Manuel de. Verification of previous statement to José Antonio Guerrero, 4 November 1734, Santa Fé; included in Lomelí.
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