The Lujáns who settled in La Cañada created their own stratified social network of men with affluence, common folk, and those on the cultural margins.
Angélico Chávez believes the nucleus was Juan Luján, son of Francisco Rodríguez; Pedro Rodríguez, and Juan Ruiz Cárceres, son of Pedro Ruiz. He suspects, in this case, Ruiz was an abbreviation for Rodríguez and that they may have been cousins and brothers.
Juan Luján came with an Indian servant, Francisca Jiménez, and acknowledged three children. However, Chávez believes the girl, Maríana Luján, was really the illegitimate Maríana who arrived in the entourage of fellow Canary Islander Juan López de Medel. Her mother María was from Tecpeaca near Tenochtitlán. Maríana married Juan de Perramos, who escorted the 1616 supply train, and had a daughter María Ramos.
Juan’s son, Francisco, first married Lucía Rodríguez, perhaps some relation of Pedro Rodríguez and his Indian servant, Magdalena. Next he married María Ramos. Since he was associated with the murder of Luis de Rosas, critics of the Franciscans accused the friars of granting him an illegal dispensation to marry his "blood niece." Most of his activities were around Santo Domingo and Cochití.
Chávez believes Francisco’s probable son, Domingo Luján, was the one who smuggled gunpowder to his half-brother at Cochití during the retreat to Guadalupe del Paso. His wife and children spent the exile years as captives in the pueblos.
There was also a Francisco Jiménez who was associated with the Griegos in 1663. Chávez suggests he was either the son or nephew of Francisca Jiménez. He and his family were killed at Pojoaque in 1680.
Juan’s other son, Juan Luján was the one who created whatever fortune the family enjoyed. He became alcalde mayor of Taos-Picurís and owned an estancia in the Taos valley. His wife more than likely was one of the unnamed daughters of Pedro Lucero de Godoy and Francisca Gómez Robledo, since Francisca’s brother owned part of the Taos encomienda. Their daughter, María, married Juan de Archuleta.
One of his sons was probably Matías Luján, who escaped the revolt. He had been born in the La Cañada area and married Francisca Romero. His son Miguel was married to Catalina Valdés whom he later murdered.
There was also a girl described as the child of Matías Luján and an Indian servant who married José López Naranjo. Although, Chávez notes, there was more than one Matías Luján at the time, the implicit behavior was similar to that of his cousin Domingo. Naranjo was the brother of Domingo Naranjo, the mulatto leader of the rebellion at Santa Clara.
Juan’s more respectable son, Juan Luján, was the Juan Luis who owned the land the Tanos accepted in place of La Cañada in 1696. Its size was commiserate with that controlled by his father.
For a while, he was distinguished from his father by the phrase El Viejo. By the time the pueblos rebelled in 1680, he may also have needed to separate himself from his siblings and cousins. At Guadalupe del Paso, he used the names Juan Luis, Juan Luis Luján, and Juan Ruiz Luján. Chávez is sure they’re the same because he was 66 years old in 1689 when he reported a wife, grown son and three small children.
One time he was called to identify himself in the refuge camp was when Silvestre Pacheco murdered his sister’s husband, José Baca, son of Cristóbal Baca.
His grandfather’s kinsman, Juan Ruiz Cárceres had married Isabel Baca. She was probably the daughter of Alonso Baca and sister or stepsister of José Baca’s father. Alonso was the son of Cristóbal Baca and Ana Ortiz. She was the daughter of Francisco Pacheco, and they were married in México before than came north in the same group of 1600 recruits. Nothing more is known about his personal life.
Politically he defied the governor in 1643 when he allied himself with the Franciscans at San Domingo pueblo. Alonso de Pacheco de Herédia executed his brother, Antonio Baca, who was the ringleader. After that he remained less active in the río abajo.
Ruiz Cárceres also supported the friars, but less dramatically. After he died, Irene became the Franciscan’s cook at Tajique. Their daughter, Juana Ruiz Cárceres married Antonio de Avalos.
His son, Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was in the military escort for the supply train in 1652. His likely grandson, also Juan Ruiz de Cárceres, was with Domingo and Miguel Luján during the exile and reconquest, when he acted as an interpreter with the Tewa and Tano speakers. After the grandson helped Luis Pérez Granillo survey La Cañada, he acquired the land of Alonso del Río.
Alonso del Río had come with Oñate in 1598. In the intervening years, Diego del Río de Losa had been a secretary for the cabildo and involved with the murder of Luis de Rosas. The Alonso who had land in La Cañada was already at Guadalupe el Paso when the rebellion broke out, and stayed there after the reconquest.
As for Miguel Luján, Chávez can’t decide who he was, except the possible brother or brother-in-law of Juan Ruiz de Cárceres. During the reconquest, he was on guard duty at the chapel in Santa Fé when the Tano speakers resumed fighting. He and his sons, Agustín and Cristóbal, survived, but he was killed in a campaign against Cochití in 1694.
When Granillo surveyed his hacienda, he noted: "Its houses still exist. Only he and his family had lived there, because the lands for agriculture and irrigation were sufficient for only one family, with pastures for a few livestock of any kind he might have had."
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Sunday, May 25, 2014
Sunday, May 18, 2014
La Cañada - Kinship
If you ever spent much time in a small town, you know the ways sociologists measure prestige are irrelevant. You soon learn kinship networks are far more important indicators for who will be elected mayor or student council president than wealth or profession, and that the important ties may be buried several generations back.
By this measure, the most important man in La Cañada before the Pueblo Revolt wasn’t Luis Martín Serrano, but Juan Griego. The one was connected by marriage to four of the other fifteen landholders mentioned by Luis Pérez Granillo in his survey of area in 1695, while the other was tied to seven.
The men who would be ranked highly by sociologists, Melchor de Archuleta, Sebastían González and Ambrosio Sáez, each had three, while Francisco Gómez Robledo had only one kinship tie mentioned in these postings.
The ones who fell low in the kinship rankings were often men who were the first generation to bear a name, the half-acknowledged sons of better known families like Bartolomé Montoya, Marcos de Herrera and Agustín Romero, or the completely unacknowledged like Pedro de la Cruz.
Employees were non-existent in the social fabric, whether they held high positions like Francisco Xavier with one connection, or lowly ones like Nicolás de la Cruz and Alonso del Río with none.
The other men like Griego of relatively obscure birth and wide connections were Diego López, with three ties to the local community, and Miguel Luján, whose ties were through undocumented mestizos and sub rosa relatives in the pueblos. It happens both names represent clusters of men related by blood rather than individuals.
Angélico Chávez believes Luján is descended from the one of the contingent of men born in the Canary Islands that was commanded by Bernabé de Las Casas López in 1600, but didn’t speculate on why so many were available.
The Canaries had been visited by Portuguese explorers in 1340, but assigned to Castile by Pope Clement VI in 1344. Jean de Béthencourt began taking possession of them under the authority of Henry III of Castile in 1403. Alberto de Las Casas became their bishop.
After Béthencourt and Las Casas died, Béthencourt’s nephew, Maciot, sold the islands. They changed hands, before passing to Guillen de Las Casas Hurtado in 1430, and from him to Fernán Peraza through his wife Inés de Las Casas. After Portugal again showed interest, Spain began asserting direct control in 1477.
Soon after, the Portuguese introduced sugar cane, and large land holdings followed. Smaller settlers may have been forced to emigrate, like they would be when sugar was introduced on Barbados in the mid-1600's. Meantime, Santa Cruz de Palma became a major port, both for exporting sugar and as a layover station for ships bound for the Americas. French pirates sacked the city in 1535. Francis Drake attacked on behalf of England in 1585.
The effect of the Inquisition is hard to determine. Gustav Henningsen has estimated that while about 1,500 were tried in the tribunal at La Palma between 1540 and 1700, none were found guilty.
However, Alonso de Benavides claims he had been a lay familiar there before he moved to México in 1598 and joined the Franciscans in 1603 when he was about 25 years old. After he arrived in Santa Fé in 1627, he claimed to remember Francisco de Soto had been penanced and was now calling himself Juan Donayre de las Misas. The man, who said he’d been born in Cordoba to Francisco Rodríguez de las Misas and Catalina Donayre, was forced to call himself Juan Pecador, the sinner.
Guillen Las Casas Hurtado was the great-great-grandfather of Bernabé, who was born on Tenerife. Guillen’s brother Francisco was the father of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the bishop who first complained about the abuses of encomiendas in Hispañola in 1515.
Bernabé was with Juan de Oñate in 1598, and earned his respect during the ill-fated expedition to Ácoma. Oñate sent him to México City to help prepare the reinforcements who were to be commanded by Gaspar de Villagrá. However, the viceroy, still angry over Oñate’s contract, replaced Villagrá with Las Casas.
I have no idea if Las Casas was responsible for recruiting the large number of men in the expedition who were from the Canary Islands, and if so, if relics of feudal obligations nearly as important as kinship were involved.
Several of the men brought Indian servants. The assumption has always been that these were common law wives, rather than the retainers of well-to-do men. If so, their presence in Las Casa’s reinforcements suggest that they were men who could not or would not marry daughters of Spanish settlers or local mestizos. They also suggest men who might have had a stronger interest in migration than silver.
Among those who stayed, at least for a few years, were Juan López de Medel, who Chávez thinks became Mederos. He brought María, her daughter Mariana, her sister Catalina who was married to Francisco, and Augustina. Juan Luján brought Francisca Jiménez.
Juan Bautista Ruato came with a mulatto slave, Mateo. Chávez believes he was the same man as Juan Bautista Suazo. One possible descendant, Juan de Suazo, was married to Ana María Bernal, a likely descendant of Juan Griego’s son Francisco Bernal. They returned from exile and lived at Senecú. Another was María Suazo who married Diego López Sambrano, a man banned from the reconquest for his treatment of natives before the rebellion.
He was the only one from the island of Tenerife to last; the others were from La Palma.
One man who brought a servant who didn’t appear again in the record was Pedro Rodríguez. He came with Magdalena. Another was Cristobal de Brito who was responsible for Beatriz de los Ángeles and Juan Tarasco. However, his last name persisted after the reconquest among people of mixed race backgrounds.
Of the men who didn’t bring a servant, only one stayed in the area, Juan Ruiz Cárceres. Domingo Gutierrez left no record, beyond his last name. Both were from La Palma.
Luis Moreno and Francisco Suarez never appeared again in the public record in any way. They were from Tenerfire.
Notes: I only counted kinship ties I mentioned; there would be a great many more in Chávez’s book if you followed all the children through all their marriages and in-laws.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Gray, Vikki and Angela Lewis. "Partial List of People Who Came to New Mexico in 1600," GenWeb site; has more detail than Chávez on people who came and didn’t stay, including servants.
Henningsen, Gustav. "The Database of the Spanish Inquisition. The Relaciones De Causas Project Revisited" in Heinz Mohnhaupt and Dieter Simon, Vorträge zur Justizforschung, 1992, cited by Wikipedia.
By this measure, the most important man in La Cañada before the Pueblo Revolt wasn’t Luis Martín Serrano, but Juan Griego. The one was connected by marriage to four of the other fifteen landholders mentioned by Luis Pérez Granillo in his survey of area in 1695, while the other was tied to seven.
The men who would be ranked highly by sociologists, Melchor de Archuleta, Sebastían González and Ambrosio Sáez, each had three, while Francisco Gómez Robledo had only one kinship tie mentioned in these postings.
The ones who fell low in the kinship rankings were often men who were the first generation to bear a name, the half-acknowledged sons of better known families like Bartolomé Montoya, Marcos de Herrera and Agustín Romero, or the completely unacknowledged like Pedro de la Cruz.
Employees were non-existent in the social fabric, whether they held high positions like Francisco Xavier with one connection, or lowly ones like Nicolás de la Cruz and Alonso del Río with none.
The other men like Griego of relatively obscure birth and wide connections were Diego López, with three ties to the local community, and Miguel Luján, whose ties were through undocumented mestizos and sub rosa relatives in the pueblos. It happens both names represent clusters of men related by blood rather than individuals.
Angélico Chávez believes Luján is descended from the one of the contingent of men born in the Canary Islands that was commanded by Bernabé de Las Casas López in 1600, but didn’t speculate on why so many were available.
The Canaries had been visited by Portuguese explorers in 1340, but assigned to Castile by Pope Clement VI in 1344. Jean de Béthencourt began taking possession of them under the authority of Henry III of Castile in 1403. Alberto de Las Casas became their bishop.
After Béthencourt and Las Casas died, Béthencourt’s nephew, Maciot, sold the islands. They changed hands, before passing to Guillen de Las Casas Hurtado in 1430, and from him to Fernán Peraza through his wife Inés de Las Casas. After Portugal again showed interest, Spain began asserting direct control in 1477.
Soon after, the Portuguese introduced sugar cane, and large land holdings followed. Smaller settlers may have been forced to emigrate, like they would be when sugar was introduced on Barbados in the mid-1600's. Meantime, Santa Cruz de Palma became a major port, both for exporting sugar and as a layover station for ships bound for the Americas. French pirates sacked the city in 1535. Francis Drake attacked on behalf of England in 1585.
The effect of the Inquisition is hard to determine. Gustav Henningsen has estimated that while about 1,500 were tried in the tribunal at La Palma between 1540 and 1700, none were found guilty.
However, Alonso de Benavides claims he had been a lay familiar there before he moved to México in 1598 and joined the Franciscans in 1603 when he was about 25 years old. After he arrived in Santa Fé in 1627, he claimed to remember Francisco de Soto had been penanced and was now calling himself Juan Donayre de las Misas. The man, who said he’d been born in Cordoba to Francisco Rodríguez de las Misas and Catalina Donayre, was forced to call himself Juan Pecador, the sinner.
Guillen Las Casas Hurtado was the great-great-grandfather of Bernabé, who was born on Tenerife. Guillen’s brother Francisco was the father of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the bishop who first complained about the abuses of encomiendas in Hispañola in 1515.
Bernabé was with Juan de Oñate in 1598, and earned his respect during the ill-fated expedition to Ácoma. Oñate sent him to México City to help prepare the reinforcements who were to be commanded by Gaspar de Villagrá. However, the viceroy, still angry over Oñate’s contract, replaced Villagrá with Las Casas.
I have no idea if Las Casas was responsible for recruiting the large number of men in the expedition who were from the Canary Islands, and if so, if relics of feudal obligations nearly as important as kinship were involved.
Several of the men brought Indian servants. The assumption has always been that these were common law wives, rather than the retainers of well-to-do men. If so, their presence in Las Casa’s reinforcements suggest that they were men who could not or would not marry daughters of Spanish settlers or local mestizos. They also suggest men who might have had a stronger interest in migration than silver.
Among those who stayed, at least for a few years, were Juan López de Medel, who Chávez thinks became Mederos. He brought María, her daughter Mariana, her sister Catalina who was married to Francisco, and Augustina. Juan Luján brought Francisca Jiménez.
Juan Bautista Ruato came with a mulatto slave, Mateo. Chávez believes he was the same man as Juan Bautista Suazo. One possible descendant, Juan de Suazo, was married to Ana María Bernal, a likely descendant of Juan Griego’s son Francisco Bernal. They returned from exile and lived at Senecú. Another was María Suazo who married Diego López Sambrano, a man banned from the reconquest for his treatment of natives before the rebellion.
He was the only one from the island of Tenerife to last; the others were from La Palma.
One man who brought a servant who didn’t appear again in the record was Pedro Rodríguez. He came with Magdalena. Another was Cristobal de Brito who was responsible for Beatriz de los Ángeles and Juan Tarasco. However, his last name persisted after the reconquest among people of mixed race backgrounds.
Of the men who didn’t bring a servant, only one stayed in the area, Juan Ruiz Cárceres. Domingo Gutierrez left no record, beyond his last name. Both were from La Palma.
Luis Moreno and Francisco Suarez never appeared again in the public record in any way. They were from Tenerfire.
Notes: I only counted kinship ties I mentioned; there would be a great many more in Chávez’s book if you followed all the children through all their marriages and in-laws.
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Gray, Vikki and Angela Lewis. "Partial List of People Who Came to New Mexico in 1600," GenWeb site; has more detail than Chávez on people who came and didn’t stay, including servants.
Henningsen, Gustav. "The Database of the Spanish Inquisition. The Relaciones De Causas Project Revisited" in Heinz Mohnhaupt and Dieter Simon, Vorträge zur Justizforschung, 1992, cited by Wikipedia.
Sunday, May 11, 2014
La Cañada - Francisco Gómez Robledo’s Mistress
When Francisco Gómez Robledo was being investigated by the Inquisition, neither his hacienda in La Cañada nor his illegitimate children were mentioned. All that was impounded in 1662 was his house in Santa Fé and his río abajo estancia, San Nicolás de las Barrancas.
He may have acquired the property after he returned from the Inquisition jail in México City in 1665. Luis Pérez Granillo had no doubts about the ownership in 1695. He said "the hacienda belonged to the maestre de campo, Francisco Gómez, follows. Only signs of the foundation the house had can be seen. Only one citizen can live comfortably in it."
His natural son, Antonio, however, was in existence when Francisco was being examined. When the family reached Guadalupe del Paso in 1680, he gave his age as 28. That means he would have been born around 1652, probably to a woman who called herself López del Castillo, according to Angélico Chávez.
The first man with that name in the colony, Matías López del Castillo was in Santa Fé in 1626 where he married Ana de Bustillo. Their daughter, Ana López del Castillo married Juan de Herrera who had the encomiendas of Santa Clara and Jémez. One of their daughters, Ana María, had several children out of wedlock who took the Herrera name.
Ana de Bustillo was the daughter of Asencio de Arechuleta and Ana Pérez de Bustillo. One of her sisters, Gregoria de Archuleta, married Diego de Santa Cruz. He was born in Zacatecas to Juan Pérez de Bustillo and María de la Cruz. In 1662, the Inquisition suggested Gregoria, in fact, was the daughter of his sister Ana. More likely, based on his mother’s name, Chávez thinks he was adopted or illegitimate.
Her other sister, Josefa, married Bartolomé Romero, grandson of the original Bartolomé.
One of Ana’s brothers, Juan de Archuleta, was executed for his role in the murder of Luis de Rosas. His son, also Juan de Archuleta, lived in La Cañada where he married María Luján, and worked for Bernardo López de Mendizábal and his successor, Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa Briceño y Berdugo.
After the reconquest, his grandson, Juan de Archuleta, received grants for land in Santa Fé and San Juan as a reward from Diego de Vargas’ successor, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero. He later bought land in the villa of Santa Cruz and married Isabel González, who was probably a descendant of Sebastián González and Isabel Bernal. After her husband died, she expanded his San Juan and Santa Cruz holdings.
His granddaughter, Antonia de Archuleta, married Miguel de Herrera.
Ana’s other brother, Melchor de Archuleta, is the one who had the land next to Juan Griego which Luis Pérez Granillo said had an "agricultural field" but that "only the ruins of his house exist and can be seen. These is almost the same amount of land for one family, and the pastures are in the same condition."
Chávez thinks the other man with the López del Castillo name, Diego, must have been a younger brother of Matías who arrived sometime around 1634. His first wife was María Barragán, the daughter of Juan Gómez Barragán, an Indian interpreter, and María Bernal, daughter of the first Juan Griego. After she died, he married María Griego, the daughter of Juan’s son Juan. Chávez says she was also known as María de la Cruz Alemán.
At the time of the reconquest, Diego was in his 80's with a wife and two daughters. In 1695, Granillo said "the torreón next to the house remains" at his hacienda. "There are only enough lands for one citizen with his family."
Torreóns were small, stone defensive towers. There were two in the settlement, one at each end of the settlement. One was on land of Francisco Javier. If this López del Castillo was the one whose daughter was involved with Francisco, then the other tower was also on land controlled by a military man.
Chávez didn’t hazard which of the daughters of Matías and Diego could have been the mother of Antonio Gómez, only noted that after the reconquest, several illegitimate children of Juana Luján conceived at Guadalupe del Paso were living near San Ildefonso and calling themselves Gómez del Castillo.
She was the daughter of Matías Luján and Francisca Romero. Chávez could only guess he was a son of Juan Luján, who lived in La Cañada. He made no mention of Francisca among the known, acknowledged Romero children. He couldn’t even decided if Juana was involved with Antonio or his cousin Bartolomé, the illegitimate son of Francisco’s brother Bartolomé.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
He may have acquired the property after he returned from the Inquisition jail in México City in 1665. Luis Pérez Granillo had no doubts about the ownership in 1695. He said "the hacienda belonged to the maestre de campo, Francisco Gómez, follows. Only signs of the foundation the house had can be seen. Only one citizen can live comfortably in it."
His natural son, Antonio, however, was in existence when Francisco was being examined. When the family reached Guadalupe del Paso in 1680, he gave his age as 28. That means he would have been born around 1652, probably to a woman who called herself López del Castillo, according to Angélico Chávez.
The first man with that name in the colony, Matías López del Castillo was in Santa Fé in 1626 where he married Ana de Bustillo. Their daughter, Ana López del Castillo married Juan de Herrera who had the encomiendas of Santa Clara and Jémez. One of their daughters, Ana María, had several children out of wedlock who took the Herrera name.
Ana de Bustillo was the daughter of Asencio de Arechuleta and Ana Pérez de Bustillo. One of her sisters, Gregoria de Archuleta, married Diego de Santa Cruz. He was born in Zacatecas to Juan Pérez de Bustillo and María de la Cruz. In 1662, the Inquisition suggested Gregoria, in fact, was the daughter of his sister Ana. More likely, based on his mother’s name, Chávez thinks he was adopted or illegitimate.
Her other sister, Josefa, married Bartolomé Romero, grandson of the original Bartolomé.
One of Ana’s brothers, Juan de Archuleta, was executed for his role in the murder of Luis de Rosas. His son, also Juan de Archuleta, lived in La Cañada where he married María Luján, and worked for Bernardo López de Mendizábal and his successor, Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa Briceño y Berdugo.
After the reconquest, his grandson, Juan de Archuleta, received grants for land in Santa Fé and San Juan as a reward from Diego de Vargas’ successor, Pedro Rodríguez Cubero. He later bought land in the villa of Santa Cruz and married Isabel González, who was probably a descendant of Sebastián González and Isabel Bernal. After her husband died, she expanded his San Juan and Santa Cruz holdings.
His granddaughter, Antonia de Archuleta, married Miguel de Herrera.
Ana’s other brother, Melchor de Archuleta, is the one who had the land next to Juan Griego which Luis Pérez Granillo said had an "agricultural field" but that "only the ruins of his house exist and can be seen. These is almost the same amount of land for one family, and the pastures are in the same condition."
Chávez thinks the other man with the López del Castillo name, Diego, must have been a younger brother of Matías who arrived sometime around 1634. His first wife was María Barragán, the daughter of Juan Gómez Barragán, an Indian interpreter, and María Bernal, daughter of the first Juan Griego. After she died, he married María Griego, the daughter of Juan’s son Juan. Chávez says she was also known as María de la Cruz Alemán.
At the time of the reconquest, Diego was in his 80's with a wife and two daughters. In 1695, Granillo said "the torreón next to the house remains" at his hacienda. "There are only enough lands for one citizen with his family."
Torreóns were small, stone defensive towers. There were two in the settlement, one at each end of the settlement. One was on land of Francisco Javier. If this López del Castillo was the one whose daughter was involved with Francisco, then the other tower was also on land controlled by a military man.
Chávez didn’t hazard which of the daughters of Matías and Diego could have been the mother of Antonio Gómez, only noted that after the reconquest, several illegitimate children of Juana Luján conceived at Guadalupe del Paso were living near San Ildefonso and calling themselves Gómez del Castillo.
She was the daughter of Matías Luján and Francisca Romero. Chávez could only guess he was a son of Juan Luján, who lived in La Cañada. He made no mention of Francisca among the known, acknowledged Romero children. He couldn’t even decided if Juana was involved with Antonio or his cousin Bartolomé, the illegitimate son of Francisco’s brother Bartolomé.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Granillo, Luis. Report for 12 March 1695 describing the settlement of La Cañada, included in Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego De Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, volume 2, 1998, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith D. Dodge.
Sunday, May 04, 2014
La Cañada - Francisco Gómez Robledo’s Family
Francisco Gómez Robledo came from a family of five boys and two girls. The only ones who left records of marriages were Andrés, husband of Juana Ortiz, and Francisca, second wife of Pedro Lucero de Godoy.
Two brothers, Juan and José, simply disappeared from the record, and Angélico Chávez thinks they may have returned to México sometime after Francisco was released by the Inquisition.
Francisco and his brother Bartolomé weren’t celibate military men. The one had a son called Antonio, the other a son named Bartolomé. When he appeared at Guadalupe el Paso, Francisco claimed another natural child, María. At the time he said he was married with six other young children.
The reasons Ana María and Bartolomé never married, and Francisco married a woman whose name wasn’t reported are unknown. The whiff of Jewishness may have been a factor, especially after Francisco’s trial.
Francisca’s husband’s name first appeared as a military escort for the supply train in 1616. Donald Lucero believes her father was responsible for Pedro coming north, and that he may have acted as a family representative. Angélico Chávez says he also worked the wagon trains in 1621 and 1631, which would have put him in a position to keep an eye on anything of special import in the return wagons.
He probably didn’t marry for another eight years. LaDeane Miller thinks his first wife, Petronilia de Zamora, gave birth in 1625, 1627 and 1628. She thinks Francisca had children in 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645, 1647, 1648, 1650, 1656 and 1665.
Petronilia’s son, Francisco Lucero de Godoy, became an armorer who married the daughter of Andrés López Sambrano, Josefa López de Grijalva, and inherited his property in Santa Fé. He made it to Guadalupe del Paso with a party of 22 that included his wife, children and servants. The couple returned with Diego de Vargas, but Josefa died soon after and he remarried.
After his marriage to Francisca, Pedro may have continued as a family agent. He had a share in Francisco’s tribute from Pecos in 1662, but lived in the Taos valley where Francisco had a share in encomienda of the local pueblo and an estancia. When the pueblo rebelled in 1680, Francisca, her mother Ana Robledo, and three of her daughters were killed there.
That land may be the same 61,000 acres Francisca’s son, Diego Lucero de Godoy, had north and west of the Pueblo between Arroyo Hondo and Ranchito. He was in Guadalupe del Paso on business when Taos Indians killed 32 people there. He didn’t return with the reconquest, and the grant was transferred to Antonio Martínez in 1716.
Francisco’s brother Andrés married Juana Ortiz. She was the granddaughter of Diego de Vera, a Canary Islander who had an encomienda before he was prosecuted by the Inquisition for a bigamous marriage to María de Abendaño. Her parents were Simón de Abendaño and María Ortiz, who, in turn, was the daughter of Cristóbal Baca and Ana Ortiz.
Chávez says the grandmother was also called María de Villanueva, which probably makes her a native of one of the encomiendas, dependencies or estancias granted to Alonso de Villanueva (Ocelotepec), Fernando and Pedro de Villanueva (parts of Quechula and Tecamachalco), or Juan de Villanueva (Tanzuy) in México.
After Vera was deported and the marriage annulled, María married Antonio de Salas, who, in fact, was described as the stepson of Pedro Lucero de Godoy. Chávez says the identity of his mother was a mystery. Petronilia de Zamora liked to say she had married when she was 11, which may have been less a statement of fact, that a covert way of disowning the boy who was raised with her children.
While Francisco was in jail in México City, Antonio was accused by the Inquisition of improper relations with María’s daughter, Petronila de Salas, who was married to Pedro Romero. He must have been elsewhere in 1680 when María and eight to ten of her children were killed at Pojoaque where he was the encomendero. He registered at Guadalupe del Paso, then disappeared from the record.
María’s other daughter, María Ortiz de Vera, married blacksmith Manuel Jorge, son of Juan Jorge Griego. He became the official armorer of the colony after his marriage. When she later married Diego Montoya, who was encomendero of San Pedro pueblo, she had three daughters using the Ortiz name. It was her daughter Juana who married Andrés Gómez Robledo.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Himmerich y Valencia, Robert. The Encomenderos of New Spain, 1521-1555, 1991.
Lucero, Donald L. The Adobe Kingdom: New Mexico, 1598-1958, as Experienced by the Families Lucero de Godoy y Baca, 2009 edition.
Miller, LaDeane. "Descendants of Juan de Leon," 2002, available on line.
Two brothers, Juan and José, simply disappeared from the record, and Angélico Chávez thinks they may have returned to México sometime after Francisco was released by the Inquisition.
Francisco and his brother Bartolomé weren’t celibate military men. The one had a son called Antonio, the other a son named Bartolomé. When he appeared at Guadalupe el Paso, Francisco claimed another natural child, María. At the time he said he was married with six other young children.
The reasons Ana María and Bartolomé never married, and Francisco married a woman whose name wasn’t reported are unknown. The whiff of Jewishness may have been a factor, especially after Francisco’s trial.
Francisca’s husband’s name first appeared as a military escort for the supply train in 1616. Donald Lucero believes her father was responsible for Pedro coming north, and that he may have acted as a family representative. Angélico Chávez says he also worked the wagon trains in 1621 and 1631, which would have put him in a position to keep an eye on anything of special import in the return wagons.
He probably didn’t marry for another eight years. LaDeane Miller thinks his first wife, Petronilia de Zamora, gave birth in 1625, 1627 and 1628. She thinks Francisca had children in 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645, 1647, 1648, 1650, 1656 and 1665.
Petronilia’s son, Francisco Lucero de Godoy, became an armorer who married the daughter of Andrés López Sambrano, Josefa López de Grijalva, and inherited his property in Santa Fé. He made it to Guadalupe del Paso with a party of 22 that included his wife, children and servants. The couple returned with Diego de Vargas, but Josefa died soon after and he remarried.
After his marriage to Francisca, Pedro may have continued as a family agent. He had a share in Francisco’s tribute from Pecos in 1662, but lived in the Taos valley where Francisco had a share in encomienda of the local pueblo and an estancia. When the pueblo rebelled in 1680, Francisca, her mother Ana Robledo, and three of her daughters were killed there.
That land may be the same 61,000 acres Francisca’s son, Diego Lucero de Godoy, had north and west of the Pueblo between Arroyo Hondo and Ranchito. He was in Guadalupe del Paso on business when Taos Indians killed 32 people there. He didn’t return with the reconquest, and the grant was transferred to Antonio Martínez in 1716.
Francisco’s brother Andrés married Juana Ortiz. She was the granddaughter of Diego de Vera, a Canary Islander who had an encomienda before he was prosecuted by the Inquisition for a bigamous marriage to María de Abendaño. Her parents were Simón de Abendaño and María Ortiz, who, in turn, was the daughter of Cristóbal Baca and Ana Ortiz.
Chávez says the grandmother was also called María de Villanueva, which probably makes her a native of one of the encomiendas, dependencies or estancias granted to Alonso de Villanueva (Ocelotepec), Fernando and Pedro de Villanueva (parts of Quechula and Tecamachalco), or Juan de Villanueva (Tanzuy) in México.
After Vera was deported and the marriage annulled, María married Antonio de Salas, who, in fact, was described as the stepson of Pedro Lucero de Godoy. Chávez says the identity of his mother was a mystery. Petronilia de Zamora liked to say she had married when she was 11, which may have been less a statement of fact, that a covert way of disowning the boy who was raised with her children.
While Francisco was in jail in México City, Antonio was accused by the Inquisition of improper relations with María’s daughter, Petronila de Salas, who was married to Pedro Romero. He must have been elsewhere in 1680 when María and eight to ten of her children were killed at Pojoaque where he was the encomendero. He registered at Guadalupe del Paso, then disappeared from the record.
María’s other daughter, María Ortiz de Vera, married blacksmith Manuel Jorge, son of Juan Jorge Griego. He became the official armorer of the colony after his marriage. When she later married Diego Montoya, who was encomendero of San Pedro pueblo, she had three daughters using the Ortiz name. It was her daughter Juana who married Andrés Gómez Robledo.
Notes:
Chávez, Angélico. Origins of New Mexico Families, revised 1992 edition.
Himmerich y Valencia, Robert. The Encomenderos of New Spain, 1521-1555, 1991.
Lucero, Donald L. The Adobe Kingdom: New Mexico, 1598-1958, as Experienced by the Families Lucero de Godoy y Baca, 2009 edition.
Miller, LaDeane. "Descendants of Juan de Leon," 2002, available on line.
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